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The Life and Times 


Sir Richard Southey, K.C.M.Q., etc. 

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The Life and Times 


Sir Richard Southey 

K.C.M.G., etc. 



























London, \sl October, 1904 



'T^HE life of such a man as the subject of our biography 
-"- comprises to a large extent the history of South Africa 
during the nineteenth century. Sir Eichard Southey, who 
died in 1901, at the great age of ninety-one, was a typical 
Colonist of the best class — a class of which their Mother 
Country and the lands of their adoption may alike be proud ; 
a class of men brave, patient, sagacious, and industrious, who 
have taken so great a part in the formation and consolida- 
tion of that Greater Britain which now forms an important 
part of the Empire, and, it may be added, a class difficult 
of creation except under conditions found only in new 
countries, where the elements of ever-present difficulty 
and danger make men quick in observation, cautious in 
decision, and determined in action. 

Accompanying his parents to South Africa in 1820, 
when only twelve years old, Eichard Southey was one of 
the youngest of the band of English settlers who had been 
induced by grants of land to occupy a tract of country 
between Grahamstown and the sea, to keep the Kafir tribes 
within their proper boundaries. 

The settlement was neither well planned nor adequately 
supported, and these pioneers led hard laborious lives, 
rearing small herds and flocks on indifferent pasturage, and 

' .? 



wringing scanty crops from poor soil, while the near 
neighbourhood of the Kafir hordes kept them in constant 
fear, and the depredations of wild animals demanded 
unceasing vigilance. 

Under such conditions the young settlers grew to man- 
hood hardy and self-reliant ; but what made most of them 
qualified to be good soldiers or competent frontier farmers 
meant more in the case of Mr. Southey, who was gifted 
with mental powers of a high order, which soon attracted 
attention, and assured success in the many responsible 
positions he was chosen to fill. To a quick eye and ready 
hand he added the capacity for patient observation which 
made sure of facts ; the power of weighing opposing 
evidence, and allowing for conflicting circumstances, while 
his opinions were firmly held without obstinacy, so that 
he was always open to conviction. He possessed also that 
pearl of great price — a temper that nothing could ruffle — 
which gave him no small advantage in discussion and 
debate over more excitable opponents. He used to say 
that the sight of an angry man moved him to laughter. 

These qualifications of courage, tact, and temper made 
him not only a man who could be trusted in matters of 
importance and in times of difliculty, but a wise and 
prudent counsellor to be welcomed by any ruler. Added 
to this, he was in the best sense of the word absolutely 
loyal. He never abandoned a cause or deserted a friend. 
Not cast, perhaps, in a fully heroic mould, or at least not 
enjoying opportunities of rising to the highest distinction, 
he was a man of whom Englishmen, especially Colonists, 
and above all Cape Colonists, may well be proud. The 
story of his long laborious life is written with the aim 


of setting before a younger generation an example that 
may well be followed. It is at the desire of Sir Eichard 
Southey's family that this book is published. 

Attention is called to the fact that reflections and 
remarks on public affairs by Sir Eichard Southey appear 
in the Appendix, and that, in a spirit of fair play, the full 
case of the Diamond Field annexation by the Imperial 
Government is also published. Here, without any com- 
ment or attempt at curtailment, are the arguments of both 
sides. These comprise important historical documents not 
easily accessible, and now put on record as a help to the 
accurate study of South African History. The Digest of 
Despatches throws light on the narrative of events in 
Chapters X. and XI., while the letter from Messrs. Tucker 
and Ling exhibits the case of the Kimberley agitators. 

So far as materials are concerned, there was an em- 
barrassment of riches in the chests entrusted by the 
Executor to the writer of this work. Careful selection has 
been made, and interesting correspondence is published, 
throwing considerable light on contemporaneous history, 
from Secretaries of State, Governors, Members of Parliament, 
prominent men of various shades of opinion, and Colonial 
Officials. A large number of these appear in the text. 
In publishing so many it was remembered that even minor 
details connected with politics and official life are useful. 

The work has necessarily been an extremely arduous 
one, and in concluding it the writer apologizes for his 
shortcomings, and asks the kind indulgence of the reader. 


Legislative Council, 
Cape Town, 

29/A June, 1904. 



The British settlers of 1820— The Southey party— War of 1 828— An 
exposition of the politics of the day in Judge Cloete's speech — 
War again — Richard Southey at the head of volunteers — Farming 
— War of 1834 — Colonel Smith and the Corps of Guides — Richard 
Southey captain — Colonel Smith and the war — Hintza : his escape 
and death — Case against the colonists — The Southeys move to 


1836 to 1846 : Ten years of private life — Arrival of Sir Harry Smith 
— Mr. Southey, Private Secretary and Special Agent — The 
Sovereignty and Moshesh — Letters from Sir H. Smith, Messrs. 
Shepstone and Godlonton — Reports from Mr. Southey — Letters 
from Messrs. Moffat and Fraser — Correspondence 29 


Affairs in the Cape Colony — Separation — Letters from Halse, Meurant, 
Bisset, Moffat, Shepstone, and others — John Montagu — The anti- 
convict agitation — Letters from Godlonton and Cock 61 


Mr. Bailey on the convict question — Mr. Godlonton's letters — Sir H. 
Smith — Southey Civil Commissioner of Swellendam — The war 
of 1850-2 85 



Mr. Southoy again Acting Colonial Secretary — Mr. Rawson appointed 
— Southcy Secretary to Lieut.-Governor in Grabamstown — Lettera 
from Sir George Grey, Commandant ( 'urrie, Mr. Kawson, and 
Lieut.-Geueral Wynyard — The missionaries and native affairs — 
Kawson goes to England, and Southey acts as Colonial Secretary 
— Parliamentary proceedings and politics in the Cape t'olony — 
Letters from Mr. Eawson and Sir (^eorge Groy 109 


The Colonial Parliament of 1861 — The Acting Colonial Secretary's 
success —Letters from Sir George Grey and Commandant Currie 
— Arrival of Sir P. E. Wodehouse — Letters from Sir John Cowell 
— Land laws — Letters from Sir P. E. Wodehouse — The dispute 
with Moshesh — Letters from Sir John Barrow — Mr. Southey 
appointed permanently to be Colonial Secretary — Politics of the 
day — The Session of 1865 — Visit of Prince Alfred — Sessions of 
1866, 1867, and 1868 133 


Letters from Sir John Barrow — Commandant Currie and the Koratina 
robbers — Diamond discoveries, and Diamond Field politics — 
Letters from Mr. Giddy and Dr. Atherstone — Cai)e Colony politics 
— Outline of Budget speech — Responsible Government — 
Correspondence 161 


Frontier aftairs — Correspondence — Waterboer's claims and Mr. David 
Arnot — Diamond Field aflfairs — Correspondence — Mr. Molteno 
and Responsible Government — Arguments of both sides — 
Manifesto of the Southey Cabinet — Letter from Mr. Southey — 
General correspondence 188 




Mr. Souther's Memorandum on the claims of the Free State to the 
Diamond Fields — Sir Henry Barkly's comments — Mr. Campbell's 
letters — Correspondence — Keate's Award — Arnot's Letters- 
Session of 1872 — Responsible Government carried — Letters from 
Mr. Southey and Sir Henry Barkly — Mr. Southey declines to take 
office under new rgghne — Responsible Government — Sir H. 
Barkly and a summary of the situation — Mr. Southey made 
C.M.G., receives a pension and flattering testimonials 213 


Mr. Southey the Lieutenant-Governor of Griqualand West — Early 
days of the Diamond diggings — The New Rush — The Triumvirate 
— Right of the coloured man to dig — Sir H. Barkly offers a Con- 
stitution — The Diggers' Committee— The Griquas and their 
history — Waterboer, Adam Kok, Albania — The land question — 
President Parker — The Vooruitzigt Syndicate — The new ofiBcials 
— Gambling at the Diggings — Claim rents — The Elections — The 
Diggers' leaders — The Legislative Council — Boer plots with 
Natives — Sufferings of Natives going to Diamond Fields — Settling 
English in Transvaal 236 


Blr. Southey Lieutenant-Governor of Griqualand West — Lord Car- 
narvon and Fedeiatiou — Tiie Mining Ordinance — Aylward and 
the malcontents — Difficulties wifh Waterboer — The Legislative 
Coimcil — The Land Question — Betrayal by Attorney-General — 
Kimberley malcontents — Ordinances disallowed — Aylward and 
his followers — Sir H. Barkly's vacillations — An outbreak imminent 
— Troops sent to Kimberley — End of Lieutenant-Governorship ... 261 


Mr. Southey Member for Grahamstown — Sir Bartle Freres Rule, 
Session of 1877 — Ministry formation, Session of 1878 — Lord 
Carnarvon's blunders — Mr. Southey receives a knighthood — 
Closing years and family history 290 





A. War Services of Lieut.-Colonel Southey H17 

B. iCreZi and the Native Question, by R. Southoy 322 

C. Despatch of Lieut.-Governor Hay 337 

D. Protest of Orange Free State 342 

E. Proposal for British Immigration to Transvaal, by R. Southey ... 368 

F. Glen Grey, by R. Southey 375 

G. Government Notice — Reply 379 

H. Letter from Messrs. H. Tucker :in<l W. Ling, Diamond Fields ... 402 

I. Pre'cis of Despatches— Sir H. Barkly and Mr. Southey 406 

K. Memorandum on Kafirland, by Sir P. E. Wodehouso 419 

L. The Shooting of Hintza, by George Southey 423 




R. SouTHEY (Middle Age) frontispiece 

Sir R. Southey (Aged 90) facepage 310 




The British settlers of 1820— The Southey party— War of 1828— An 
exposition of the politics of the day in Judge Cloete's speech — War 
again — Richard Southey at the head of volunteers — Farming — War 
of 1834 — Colonel Smith and the corps of guides — Richard Southey 
captain — Colonel Smith and the war — Hintza : his escape and death — 
Case against the colonists — The Southeys move to Graaff Reinet. 

ENGLAND arose exhausted from the great European 
combat which terminated at Waterloo. Thousands 
of impoverished people clamoured for employment, and 
among other means of relieving distress, a plan of coloni- 
zation to the Cape was adopted. The selection of the fittest 
was exemplified by six thousand settlers being chosen out 
of ninety thousand applicants. In the ranks of the suc- 
cessful were George Southey, heading a party from Somer- 
setshire, with his family, which comprised four sons, named 
"William, Eichard, George, and Henry, and two daughters, as 
well as two servants. This was the day of small sailing 
vessels, which took about three months to perform the 
voyage from Gravesend to Algoa Bay. In one of these, 
named the Hennersley Castle, the Southeys embarked, and 
safely arrived in the eastern province of the Cape Colony 



in the year 1820. On this occasion Great Britain "threw 
her bread on the waters" in the form of hardy, indefati- 
gable emigrants, whose exertions subsequently resulted in 
commerce which more than a hundredfold repaid the original 

Eichard Southey, the subject of our biography, was a 
boy of twelve years of age when he first trod the shores of 
Algoa Bay, having been born at Culmstock, a small town in 
Devonshire, on the 25th April, 1808. It should be mentioned 
that the genealogical table of the Southey family dates from 
1545, and commences with the name of Johannes Southey. 
Five generations thereafter we come to the names of John 
Southey, and of Eobert Southey the poet, who were first 
cousins. It was John's eldest child and son who was the 
father of Eichard Southey, and the head of the Southey 
party of 1820 settlers.* 

The destination in South Africa of the Southey party 
was close to Eound Hill, between Bathurst and Grahams- 
town, and here young Eichard joined in the pioneer farming 
efforts of his people, and acquired that love of sport which 
continued throughout his long career. However, in 1824, 
when he was only sixteen years of age, he was sent by his 
father to Grahamstown, where he served as a clerk in the 
mercantile establishment of Messrs. Heugh and Fleming. 
This life seems to have been distasteful, and he sighed for 
a wider field and scenes of adventure, as we find him, when 
he attained his twenty-first year, setting out on a trading 
and hunting expedition in Pondoland and Bovanaland. His 
brother Henry tells us that the expedition was not a success 
financially, for although Eichard was well received by the 
natives, they were far too "slim" for him, as on many 
occasions when he counted his cattle, it was found that a 

* It seems that an American gentleman named Southworth recently went 
to England to trace his ancestry, and in so doing discovered that in the 
thirteenth century the forefathers of the Southeys bore the name of South- 
worth, and in this way were distantly related to him. 


beast had unfortunately died, apparently from natural causes, 
but really put to death in order to form the material for 
a feast. 

On his return from the trading expedition, Eichard 
Southey determined to settle in life. In the first place, 
he went to the parental home at Southey's Hoek, Trom- 
petter's Drift, and while there married Isabella, the youngest 
daughter of Mr. John Shaw, and shortly afterwards returned 
to Grahamstown, where he engaged in cattle dealing. Soon 
afterwards, in conjunction with his brothers, he purchased 
the farm Kap Eiver, and there resided until the outbreak of 
the Kafir War in 1834-5. But in the mean time an im- 
portant episode took place which requires special mention. 
In the year 1828 the Government of the Cape Colony called 
for volunteers to take charge of military outposts on the 
frontier — while his Majesty's troops went on special service 
into Kafirland. Eichard Southey was one of those who 
responded to this demand, and at the age of twenty we find 
him armed, mounted, and equipped, at his own expense, to 
respond to the call of duty. In a memorandum found 
amongst his papers he writes — 

"In the year 1828, the Government received information 
that a tribe of natives, designated the Amafetcani, was moving 
down from the north-east towards Kafirland, destroying all before 
them, and that the Pondos, Tambookies, and other natives 
occupying the country beyond our frontier were so much alarmed 
that there was danger of their rushing in amongst us for safety. 
Under these circumstances, the Government determined on send- 
ing a strong military force into the country to check the advance 
of the marauders. To do this it was necessary to obtain the 
services of burghers of some kind to take charge of the frontier 
outposts during the absence of the soldiers, and volunteers were 
called for to perform those duties. I was one of those who 
responded to the call, and performed military duties at Fort 
Beaufort, until the return of the troops. These troops met the 
enemy somewhere about the sources of the Bashee, or Umtata 
River (I think). A fight ensued, in which the Fetcani lost some 


of their number, which caused them to abandon their intention 
of advancing further in this direction, and instead to return to 
their own country. They were not previously acquainted with 
the effect of our weapons (guns), and didn't like to risk a second 

At this stage it seems desirable to furnish a brief resume 
of a speech delivered in the Legislative Council in August, 
1836, by an educated and impartial colonist, Mr. Cloete 
(afterwards Judge Cloete).* It is a clear and just epitome 
of frontier history. The subject was the motion of the 
Attorney-General to refer to a sub-committee the Martial 
Law Indemnification Bill. Mr. Cloete said " that this was 
the first time that anything connected with the policy 
hitherto pursued by the Government towards the Kafir 
tribes had to his knowledge come before them, and he 
considered that he should fail in his duty to the country, 
to the place he held, and to his fellow-colonists, were he 
to allow that opportunity to pass without expressing his 
sentiments with regard not only to the line of policy formerly 
pursued, but to that which had recently been substituted 
for it. This duty he felt to be more imperative when he 
considered the manner in which a Committee of the House 
of Commons had proceeded in its inquiries into this subject. 
It was but too evident that not only the conduct of the 
colonists, but of the Colonial Government, had been shame- 
fully misrepresented ; the former as characterized by the 
most heartless and unfeeling barbarity, and the latter as 
only actuated by a grasping ambition, which sought by 
oppressing the native tribes and seizing their possessions 
and territory to aggrandize the colony. Neither of these 
positions, however, had been, nor could be, substantiated, and 
the truth had only to be brought forward to set at rest such 
unfounded calumnies. 

* See the Kcport of the speech in the Commercial Advertiser, Cape Town, 
of the 28th August, 1836. 


"With regard to the colonists, it would be sufficient to 
show that they were possessed of the feelings of human 
beings to repel the accusations brought against them. "We 
know that self-interest and self-preservation are the very 
first springs of human action, and it is literally a matter 
of absurdity to suppose that the isolated farmer, residing 
with his wife and family some ten or fifteen miles from the 
nearest neighbour on whom he could call for assistance, 
should be actuated by feelings of aggression against a bold 
and warlike people, a single whistle of whose chief would 
surround his house with hundreds of savage warriors. That 
no single act of aggression ever at any period took place, 
it would be the height of absurdity to deny. This would 
be saying that the colonists were not men but angels. 
When, therefore, it was found that, instead of bringing 
forward tangible charges against individuals, the enemies 
of the colonists confined themselves to vague and general 
accusations, and when it was also seen that where they 
had attempted to substantiate these accusations their facts 
had failed, he hoped the Council would see sufficient grounds 
for acquitting the colonists. 

" With regard to the Colonial Government as an individual 
conversant with its acts, he took upon himself to say that 
nothing could be more unfounded than the charges insinuated 
against it. Early in the century the British Government 
took over the colony, with an acknowledged and guaranteed 
boundary. Then it was found that some of the principal 
chiefs had crossed this line and settled themselves between 
the Bushmans and Sundays Eivers, frequently carrying their 
inroads to a distance of three hundred miles westward of the 
Fish Eiver. During the Governments of Baird, Bourke, and 
Lord Caledon, no steps were taken to expel these invaders. 

" Sir John Cradock at last found it imperatively necessary 
to cause the natives to respect the legitimate boundary, and 
as a means to this end a military force, supported by a large 
burgher commando, was sent out. Gentle methods were 


tried in the first place. Indeed, when an officer of artillery 
suggested to Colonel Graham that as the Kafirs were com- 
pletely exposed he should fire upon them, that gallant officer 
replied, ' Fire not a single shot until every amicable means 
be tried.' At this very time, however, the Kafirs were 
engaged at the other wing in butchering Andreas Stocken- 
strom, with fourteen of the worthiest burghers of the com- 
mando, who ventured among them unarmed, and on an 
errand of peace. Hostilities then, of course, took place, which 
resulted in the natives being driven out of the colony." 

Mr. Cloete goes on to say that " he happened to visit the 
frontier line in the years 1813 and 1815, when it was 
strongly defended by forts ten or twelve miles apart. He 
had then witnessed the condition of the burghers, many of 
whom had been eighteen or twenty months from their 
families. After the general peace, however, this force could 
not be kept up, and the inroads of Kafirs again commenced, 
not only desolating but depopulating the country, notwith- 
standing all the efforts Government made to induce the 
colonists to occupy the land. It was in vain that Colonel 
•Cuyler held out the most flattering promises ; such was the 
insecurity of life and property, that only a few individuals 
-could be found hardy enough to place themselves in circum- 
stances of such peril, and of these several were barbarously 

" In these circumstances Lord Charles Somerset personally 
interviewed the Kafir chiefs in the year 1817, and so acknow- 
ledged Gaika as paramount chief that the British forces 
rendered him assistance when in 1819 a portion of his people 
rebelled. It was in this war that 6000 Kafirs suddenly 
emerged from the Fish Eiver bush and rushed down upon 
Grahamstown, which would probably have been taken had 
not Colonel Willshire happened to have been out that morning 
exercising the troops, and the Kafirs, suddenly seeing these 
men, imagined that a strong relief force was advancing. 

" Again Lord Charles Somerset interviewed Gaika, and 


he found that his men had been perfidiously acting against 
us. Indeed, one of his chief councillors was stabbed in the 
act of seizing the reins of Colonel Willshire's horse, and 
another was found to have advanced up to the muzzles of the 
guns in the attack on Grahamstown. The country between 
the Fish Eiver and the Keiskamma was now declared neutral 

" It is specially noticeable that on the advent of the settlers 
of 1820, the then acting-governor, Sir Eufane Shawe Donkin, 
repaired to the frontier, and with the entire concurrence of 
Gaika and the other chieftains entered into an agreement 
providing that, though the tract of country referred to should 
still remain neutral, it might be occupied by certain masses 
of persons settling in little towns or villages, Gaika only 
bargaining for the valley of the Chumie, which until the late 
war was always considered to belong to his tribe. Ofi&cial 
acts clearly prove that for at least thirty years previous to the 
war of 1834 nothing was more distant from the views of 
Government than the invasion or seizure of Kafir territory. 

" Sir Lowry Cole next came upon the scene, and under 
his direction the location of a body of Hottentots on the 
Kat Eiver took place. In consequence of this settlement, 
and the granting of some farms in the Fish Eiver bush, it is 
manifest that acts of aggression or spoliation did sometimes 
occur, and the chiefs themselves acknowledged that the 
Kafirs were in unlawful possession of the country. In fact, 
the chiefs Macomo and T'Slambie took advantage of in- 
dulgences granted to them in time of drought by committing 
several murders, and stealing so many cattle, as to throw the 
frontier into such a state of insecurity, that when he (Mr. 
Cloete) visited it in 1830 he found the inhabitants in the 
greatest excitement and alarm." 

Mr. Cloete cited several cases which came under his 
own personal notice to show that the colonists did not act in 
a spirit of aggression, and that law was vindicated when 
natives were injured. The Chief Justice, on more than one 


occasion, assured the Kafirs that the courts of the colony 
were always open to them even for the redress of injuries 
done in their own country. The Kafirs were placed, as far as 
circumstances would permit, on the same level as more 
civilized persons. 

" In the year 1830, the chiefs, building on the hopes of 
disaffection among the people at Kap Eiver, and promised 
the support of Hintza, were secretly preparing for one of the 
most dreadful, savage, and unwarranted inroads ever recorded 
in the annals of any colony." After referring to the wise 
acts of Government, Mr. Cloete concluded by stating that 
the name of Sir Benjamin D'Urban would be handed down 
to future generations, not only as the friend of the colony, 
but the true friend of the Kafirs themselves. 

In the early thirties we see Richard Southey, a young 
married man, settled quietly with his brothers on their farm 
at Kap River. There must have been general apprehensions 
of a native outbreak, but so little special knowledge existed 
that we find the Southeys eating their Christmas dinner in 
peace on the very day on which the great Kafir War of 1834 
broke out. On the next morning two breathless men 
galloped up in hot haste. These were George Southey and 
Richard's brother-in-law, William Shaw, who had ridden 
over from Grahamstown during the night. Everything had 
to be abandoned, and the young wife and child (Charles) 
borne swiftly to the city of the settlers. Almost immediately 
after, their farm-house was completely burned with their 
furniture, including a good piano, which was then a rarity 
in the eastern province, and within twenty-four hours a 
man who had been enjoying an independent, comfortable 
life was reduced to poverty. The brothers met together in 
Grahamstown, and Henry had, unfortunately, to report that 
John Shaw (Richard's brother-in-law) had been killed by 
the assegai of the chief Umkai. 

Richard Southey exhibited both courage and sound judg- 
ment in organizing a force of thirty volunteers, of whom he 

KAFIR WAR OF 1834. 9 

was the captain, and proceeding to the Clay pits, about 
twenty-five miles distant, for the purpose of rescuing some 
fellow-settlers who resided there. A dreadful scene pre- 
sented itself on their arrival. The houses were burned down 
or plundered, and the mangled remains of two white men 
discovered. From this place they lost no time in proceeding 
to the military posts near the mouth of the Fish Eiver, and 
then assisted the garrisons to retire on headquarters at 
Grahamstown. Let us give a narrative of the events of this 
time in the words of Kichard Southey himself, who says — 

" In December, 1834, I was farming on a farm purchased by 
myself and brothers at the head of the Kap River, in the 
Bathurst district, and was aroused one night about midnight by 
the arrival of my brother George and brother-in-law, William 
Shaw, who informed me that there had been a skirmish between 
a small party of the Cape Mounted Rifles and a number of Kafirs 
near Port Willshire, arising out of an attempt made by the 
former to secure a quantity of Kafir cattle as compensation for 
thefts committed in the colony by Kafirs, and that the Kafirs 
were invading the colony in consequence. My brothers, after 
warning me of the danger, proceeded on to Trompetter's Drift 
on the Fish River, where other members of the family resided, 
to warn them, and help them to get away with our stock, etc., if 
possible. On the third morning after this, at daylight, the two 
arrived back, to report that the day previous, having left the 
homestead with two waggons loaded with such articles as they 
could bring away, the ladies of the family residing there, and all 
the live-stock, some 900 head of horned cattle, 2000 sheep and 
goats, and between 30 and 40 horses, they were overtaken by a 
large body of Kafirs while ascending the Fish River hill, and 
compelled to abandon the cattle, etc., but succeeded in getting 
away with the waggons, which was fortunate considering that 
there were but three armed white men and the two native waggon 
drivers, five in all, against at least a hundred Kafirs. On reach- 
ing the top of Driver's Hill, about ten miles from Grahamstown, 
they deemed it safe to let one go on with the waggons, and the 
other two turned ofi" across country to me, arriving at my place 
a little after daybreak, having travelled all night. Now it was 


ray turn to get away to GrahamstowQ with all possil)le speed. 
My cattle, sheep, and horses were first sent off by their herds, 
all Kafirs ; next followed my wife and two children, the eldest 
only a little over two years, in a cart drawn by oxen ; after that 
a waggon loaded with such household goods as could be got into 
it ; after that, myself, brother, and brother-in-law packed away 
a good portion of what was left in cellars, thinking the Kafirs 
would not be aware of their existence, then locked up the house 
and left on horseback for town, and on our way found that most 
of the people living near the line of road had either left or were 
leaving, having been warned of danger by my wife on her way 
to town. Unfortunately, this could not be done to people 
living in the opposite direction, and my nearest neighbour was 
murdered within a few hours after I left my home." 

There have been two famous historic rides in South 
Africa. One of these was that of Eichard King, from Natal 
to Grahamstown, to obtain relief for the British garrison 
invested at Natal ; the other was that of Colonel Harry 
Smith, from Cape Town to Grahamstown in six days, on 
the occasion of the breaking out of the desolating Kafir War 
in 1834. This officer, invested with full power by the 
Governor (Sir Benjamin D'Urban), was told that a sloop 
of war was ready to take him to Algoa Bay. He, however, 
preferred to ride post, and horses were " laid " for him along 
a route of six hundred miles in length. He started on the 
1st of January, "the heat raging as a furnace," and with a 
Hottentot as companion rode ninety miles on the first day. 
The next day he started before daylight, and got to Swellen- 
dam for breakfast. After riding another hundred miles he 
reached George, three hundred miles from Cape Town, and 
thence over mountains and bad roads to the Uitenhage 
division, where he had to cross one river seven times, and 
was " as wet for hours as if he had been swimming, while 
the sun was on him like a furnace." Here a characteristic 
event took place. His own horse having knocked up, he 
asked a Boer who was holding a nice-looking steed ready 
saddled to allow him to mount, explaining at the same time 


who he was and where he was going. The Dutchman 
refused ; so, says Colonel Smith, " I knocked him down, 
though half again as big as myself, jumped on his horse, 
and rode off." This was close to Gamtoos Eiver, whence, 
proceeding through Uitenhage, he reached Grahams- 
town after a ride of six hundred miles in six days. As 
Colonel Smith and his wife became intimate friends of Mr. 
Southey, it seems desirable to refer to the biography of 
this eminent soldier who supplied that opportunity which, 
"taken at the tide," led Richard Southey on to fortune. 

It was at the storming of Badajos that two ladies fled 
from that city and begged for British protection. The 
younger addressed the of&cers in that confident heroic 
manner so characteristic of the high-bred Spanish maiden. 
Her father was an officer in a distant part of the kingdom, 
and she, with her mother, were without friends, and flying 
for safety. A romantic attachment sprang up between this 
young lady and Harry Smith, who describes her as possess- 
ing an "understanding superior to her years, a masculine 
mind, with a force of character no consideration could turn 
from her own just sense of rectitude, and all encased in a 
frame of nature's fairest and most delicate moulding, with 
an eye of light, and an expression which inspired her husband 
with a maddening love which from that period to this (now 
thirty-three years) has never abated under the most trying 
circumstances." At the time of his marriage he was twenty- 
four, and his wife only fourteen years of age. 

Colonel Smith came to the Cape in 1829, during Sir 
Lowry Cole's term of office. He was senior member of 
Council and in command of the troops. Sir Benjamin 
D'Urban came out in 1834, and the Kafir War shortly 
afterwards commenced. Upon arriving in Grahamstown, 
after his celebrated ride from Cape Town, Colonel Smith 
found himself in barricaded streets. He observed that 
this defensive system would never restore confidence, and 
resolved to proclaim martial law at once, and take active 


measures. The number of regular troops was little more 
than 700, and the civil force under arms then occupying 
Grahamstown, Fort Beaufort, and the Kat River settlement 
comprised 850 men. Fort Willshire had been abandoned, 
and 200 burghers of the Graaff Eeinet district, under Civil 
Commissioner Eyueveld, were advancing. The population 
of Grahamstown was formed into a corps of volunteers, and 
the church in the market square became both a military post 
and a council chamber. The " Committee of Safety " was 
holding its meetings, but Colonel Smith made short work 
of this association. He tells us that one gentleman, a 
leader, began to enter into argument, upon which he ex- 
claimed in a voice of thunder, " I am not sent here to argue, 
but to command. You are now under martial law, and the 
iirst gentleman, I care not who he may be, who does not 
promptly and implicitly obey my command shall not even 
dare to give an opinion. I will try him by court martial, 
and punish him in five minutes." This sally completely 
established his authority. 

Vigorous and successful military exertions were made 
under the chief command of Sir Benjamin D'Urban, who 
now arrived on the frontier, and it was dm^ing the progress 
of these that Hintza was shot. Colonel Smith was a daring, 
brilliant soldier, and a most reliable and generous friend. 
His histrionic performances, such as those of placing his 
foot on Macomo's neck, as well as blowing up a waggon 
to show the enemy by allegory how they could be destroyed 
if they resisted, are indicative of eccentricities which rather 
lightened up than disfigured his character. From first to 
last he looked upon Mr. Southey as a wise and able public 
officer, and extended to him a friendship which was as 
valuable as it was sincere.* 

At the end of December, 1834, Mr. Southey became 

* For particulars of Sir Harry Smith's career, see The Autobiography 
of General Sir Harry Smith. Edited by C. Moore Smith. London : John 
Murray. 1901. 


lieutenant in a corps designated " The Albany Mounted 
Sharpshooters." He accompanied the first expedition sent 
into the enemy's country under the command of Major Cox 
of the Cape Mounted Eifles, and was present at the attack on 
Eno's kraal, where more than thirty of the enemy were killed, 
as well as at the burning of Tyali's village. Immediately 
afterwards he accompanied a reconnoitring expedition under 
the command of Colonel Smith. He was one of thirteen who 
undertook to convey despatches to the Gwalana outpost, 
which was alleged to be surrounded by the enemy. Now 
came his opportunity. A man named Bailey, the son of an 
old settler, went to young Southey and told him that he was 
wanted by the colonel to advise him as to " the lay " of the 
surrounding country. No man was more competent to do 
so, as he was thoroughly acquainted with the foot and cattle 
paths used by the enemy — besides, he was a brave, prudent, 
and cautious man. 

Mr. Southey was requested by Colonel Smith to act as 
guide to the headquarter column, and to select guides for 
the other columns, respectively commanded by Colonel 
Somerset of the Cape Mounted Eifles, Colonel England of 
the 75th, and Colonel Maclean of the 72nd Eegiment. The 
object was to attack the Kafirs in their bushy fastnesses. 
The young guide rode in front of the column, and directed it 
past many native ambushes so successfully that no loss of 
any kind was suffered, and the attack on the enemy resulted 
in complete success. Southey, beginning to climb the ladder, 
was for meritorious services ordered to form a corps of guides, 
of which he was appointed captain. This was composed of 
forty men, who became a distinguished band. To quote from 
one of Mr. Southey's memos — 

" The Corps served to the satisfaction of the then Governor 
and Commander-in-Chief, Sir Benjamin D 'Urban, and was on 
several occasions commended in general orders, and the officers 
specially thanked. Towards the end of the war the great chief 
Hintza came into camp with his son Kreli and several councillors 


and gave themselves up as hostages, pending the fulfilment of 
an engagement to pay a fine of certain cattle. These people 
were placed under my charge." 

Some interesting documents are connected with this 
period. We find, for instance, a memorial to the Governor 
from men who had been on duty in the Albany Sharpshooters 
praying for a grant of rations, as " you have been pleased 
to order our captain, Ed. Southey, to give us a discharge." 
This is signed by John Nicoll, Henry Austin, John Phillips, 
Eogers, D. Evans, A. Lourie, Norman Page, H. Thomas, 
J. Thomas, Stephen Rowles, and Benjamin Nowth. The 
endorsement on this is, " Captain Southey will be so good as 
to speak to me hereon. — B. D'Urban." There is another 
memorial, of rather an amusing character, addressed to the 
Governor, dated Grahamstown, June, 1835, and signed by 
David Alexander Fitchat, who humbly prays that his Excel- 
lency would be graciously pleased to order him some clothing 
to replace what he has worn out on the command, as he has 
not the means of furnishing himself at present ; " should he 
be ordered out again, he has not clothing to go with." The 
list of memorialist's " cloths " is appended, consisting of 
1 forage cap, 1 old jacket, 1 pair of trousers, 1 shirt. " The 
cloths that memorialist is at present wearing are borrowed." 
Certain articles are asked for, and the Governor, in his 
endorsement, requests Captain Southey to be good enough to 
purchase them and send the account to him. Then follows 
a receipt for 1 jacket, 1 sliirt, 2| yards moleskin for trousers, 
1 hat, and 1 pair of shoes — the total cost of which amounted 
to £,i 10s. lOc^. 

In rather faded ink we have the " Instructions for Captain 
Southey of the Guides " in the handwriting of Sir Benjamin 
D'Urban, and signed by him. The date is " Headquarters, 
Grahamstown, 30th July, 1835." The first section states 
that — 

" It is proposed to comply with the desire of the chief Crieli 
(Kreli) communicated by Captain Warden to send back to him 


the Chief Bookoo, or Buku, his uncle, now a hostage at my 
headquarters, and that the other hostage, his Hemrade Kinki, 
shall accompany him." 

Captain Southey is directed to supply horses, and to 
proceed with them to Colonel Smith's camp at King 
William's Town, and thence to their destination at Smith's 
Tower, or any other more convenient spot on the banks of 
the Kei. 

" The great care which Captain Southey has all along taken 
for the health, comfort, and due attendance of the hostages, and 
which has been so creditable to him, it must be superfluous to 
add he will continue to them with every personal protection to 
the conclusion of his charge." 

There is a slip of paper inside the instructions, on which 
Sir B. D'Urban has written — 

" Here is the Kaffir copy of the Treaties which Bookoo should 
take to deliver to his nephew, and I think is adverted to in the 
communication sent by him here. Good to give him at parting. — 
Initialed B.D. 31st July, 1835." 

In a note from Captain Southey addressed to the Hon. 
Colonel Smith, Chief of the Staff, dated the 18th June, 1835, 
he sends a list of persons belonging to the corps of guides that 
were in Grahamstown " when my brother left your camp." 
These were Chas. Scanlen, John Nicol, Abel Hoole, Hy. 
Austin, S. Eoberts, and B. Leach, who came with the Kafir 
hostages ; W. Cawood and W. Toole on leave. Men who were 
part of the waggon escort and remained in Grahamstown on 
account of illness were W. Comely, B. Newth, and J. Evans. 
T. Page came in charge of a sick commissariat waggon driver, 
W. Shaw was on leave, and Chas. Fisher, with Daniel 
Lanihan, were part of escort to waggons, and deserted when 
they were ordered to return. In a memorandum, dated 
the 28th September, 1835, signed "E. Southey, Captain of 
Guides," it is stated that Mr. Hoole was one of the detachment 


who did duty as interpreter, and received thirty pounds 
secret service money for his services. 

The Kafir War continued to rage throughout the year 
1835, and as illustrative of the manner in which it was 
carried on, let us take Mr. Collett's description of a desperate 
attack made on his farm at the Koonap. He tells us that at 
about half-past six on the evening of the 13th May, and just 
before the moon rose, one of his people ran to inform him 
that a body of Kafirs were coming on. Collett took up his 
gun and ran towards the kraal, but not finding the enemy 
there, collected his people and flew back to his own dwelling, 
into which the Kafirs had by this time entered. They 
rushed out when they saw the English, and, although four 
shots were fired in among them, not one was killed. They 
were then pursued into a small enclosure, and when 
challenged to come out and fight declined to do so, and ran 
off. On returning to his house, Collett found that Mrs. 
Jacob TroUip had been stabbed by an assegai in the right 
side, and her infant, which she held in her hands, was 
slightly scratched. So serious was Mrs. Trollip's wound 
that a surgeon was sent for to Fort Beaufort, but as the 
assegai had nearly pierced through her body, it was soon 
evident that recovery was hopeless, and she died on the 
following day. On the succeeding night the Kafirs again 
attacked Collett's kraal, and succeeded in getting off with 
sixteen cattle, including the one cow which he had in milk. 
All the British settlers suffered in a similar way. They 
were attacked in an unprovoked manner by a nation of 
thieves. Many sacrificed their lives ; all may be said to 
have lost the accumulation of the industry of years. 

The headquarters camp was attacked near the Kei Eiver 
early in May, 1835. It is noticeable that a spy came into 
camp with pistols and well mounted, offering his services to 
Colonel Smith, and saying that he was determined to leave 
Hintza. This man was suspected of being a spy, and was 
known to be Hintza's chief horse-stealer, so Colonel Smith 


ordered him to be flogged and kicked out of camp. This 
work was performed efficaciously by six strong men of the 
72nd Highlanders. 

A dramatic sight was visible on the 10 th May, when the 
troops were all drawn up in two columns, with the artillery 
on the right ; Hintza, with his son Kreli, as well as Bookoo 
and all his councillors, being marched up between the 
lines, attended by a strong guard. The General, with 
Colonel Smith and the Staff, then took their place in 
the centre of the troops on the right of Hintza. Colonel 
Smith first read the Proclamation of His Excellency, after 
which the Governor read his declaration, taking over the 
land extending east from the source of the Kei in the 
Stormberg to the sea. A royal salute of twenty-one guns 
was then fired, which remarkably affected the natives. 
Hintza was bathed in a perspiration of terror, and most 
of his followers were completely overawed. To their eyes 
the scene was most unexampled. The roar of the cannon 
was trebly increased by echoes from the precipitous cliffs 
above. Each shot sounded like thunder, while the echoes 
reverberated from crag to crag until they were lost in 
the distant windings of the river. Loud hurrahs and 
cheers for the King closed the proceedings, which were 
thoroughly calculated to produce a profound impression 
upon Hintza and his followers. An eye-witness, quoted in 
the Grahamstovm Journal, tells us that he had never 
witnessed a more imposing ceremony ; the wildness of the 
scenery gave additional effect to the spectacle, enormous 
masses of rock, piled fragment upon fragment for many 
hundred feet, with the tall and stately euphorbia on the 
verge, dwindled away in the dizziness of distance, while 
the long red aloes peeped here and there between the 
projecting rocks, and huge baboons might be seen clambering 
over them. 

The death of the Paramount Chief, Hintza, was an incident 
with which Captain Southey and the Corps of Guides were 



intimately connected. A Proclamation by Sir Benjamin 
D' Urban enables us to thoroughly understand the position of 
affairs. Tlie Governor declares in this document, which is 
dated the 10th May, 1835, that twelve days ago Hintza, 
finding the heart of his country occupied, came into the 
British camp and sued for peace. The terms on which alone 
peace could be granted were detailed and duly accepted, 
Hintza's son, Kreli, and his relation, Bookoo, being handed 
over as hostages. At once hostilities were discontinued, and 
numerous advantages sacrificed which would have accrued 
from the continuance of the war. So far from Hintza 
sending in the cattle agreed upon, he procrastinated and 
made excuses. 

The Governor WTOte — 

"As I am still disposed, however, to believe his asseveration 
that his presence in the midst of his people may give him the 
power of fulfilling his solemn agreement, I will not for the present 
send him out of his own country, but it is upon the condition 
proposed by himself that he accompanies a division of my troops 
through such parts of the country as its commanding officer, 
Colonel Smith, may select, and exert his full power as chief of it 
to collect the cattle and horses due," 

On the left bank of the Kei the treaty was read to 
Hintza, sentence by sentence seriatim. It was signed in 
the presence of Harry Smith, Colonel and Chief of the Staff, 
John Peddie, Lieut.- Colonel Commanding the First Division, 
J. Murray, M.D., Principal Medical OfiScer, and C. C. 
Michell, Surveyor-General. All is certified by Theophilus 
Shepstone, Kafir Interpreter. 

Certainly the most dramatic incident in the Kafir War of 
1835 was the death of Hintza. The Corps of Guides, under 
Captain Eichard Southey, had charge of the Paramount Chief, 
and Lieutenant George Southey was told off as responsible 
personally for his safe custody. He was accompanied by 
fifteen men, and ordered by Colonel Smith to treat the 
prisoner hostage with every indulgence and kindness during 


the day, and give him over to the guard of the 72Qd Eegi- 
ment every evening. Hintza was allowed to carry his 
assegais, and to ride in what part of the column he thought 
proper, the Guides keeping near him at all times. Thus they 
proceeded for two days without any occurrence of impor- 
tance, until the 12th May, 1835, when the river Xabecce 
was crossed. The opposite bank was steep, and led upwards 
to a mountain covered by a dense thicket. Every one dis- 
mounted. Hintza and his two men walked part of the way 
up the hill, under guard of the Guides, and then he and his 
men remounted their horses, and, pushing quickly past, 
moved to the front of the line of march. The path being 
rugged and steep, it was with difficulty that Lieutenant 
George Southey, together with his brother William and 
Mr. Shaw, got in front of Hintza, who had been stopped by 
Colonel Smith. The Colonel reprimanded George Southey 
for allowing Hintza to break from his guard. It was then 
believed that he was held securely, and the Colonel turned 
round to view the troops ascending by the difficult path they 
had just surmounted. This was an opportunity. They had 
then barely gained the top of the ascent, when in a moment 
Hintza burst from the guard and galloped off at full speed. 
The cry of " Look out, Colonel," arrested Colonel Smith's 
attention, and he instantaneously started off at as fast a pace 
as possible. Spurring his horse violently, he succeeded in 
getting up with Hintza, and attempted to catch hold of his 
bridle, but the Chief, stabbing with his assegai, baffled the 
attempt, and the scuffle gave Hintza time to outstrip his 
pursuer by a few yards. Colonel Smith, with all the energy 
of his nature, again so violently urged on his horse as to come 
up to Hintza, when, presenting his pistol, which missed fire, 
he threw it at his opponent's head, a second pistol following 
the first. All this time Lieutenant George Southey had 
been riding as hard as he could, and never lost sight of the 
Chief. "William Southey, Mr. Shaw, and others followed. 
Colonel Smith, who says in his autobiography that he heard 


a voice distinctly telling him to pull Hintza off his horse, 
was now seen to clutch the Chief desperately by the kaross 
at the back of his neck and drag him to the ground. The 
moment Hintza recovered himself he drew an assegai and 
threw it at the Colonel, only missing by a few inches. 
George Southey then sprang from his horse, and ran as fast 
as he could after Hintza, who had retreated to the bush. He 
called out to him several times in the Kafir language that if 
he did not stop he would be shot. As no attention was paid 
to this warning, Southey fired, and struck Hintza in the leg. 
In answer to cruel calumnies, George Southey says, before 
the Court of Investigation — 

" And, gentlemen, placed in this situation, seeing him deter- 
mined on his escape, having seen him throw an assegai at Colonel 
Smith, who had treated him so kindly, and seeing the Kafirs 
numerous in every direction, I ask what was my duty when I 
saw him attempt to kill the commander, and after calling to him 
in his own language to stand 1 I put it to any gentleman here 
present whether or not, if he had been placed in my situation, he 
would not have acted as I did, and whether it was not my duty 
to fire upon him? Knowing the responsibility that rested on 
Colonel Smith, and the situation in which he (Hintza) stood (he 
being in my charge), dared I allow him to make his escape, and I 
still remaia a living man while I had means at my disposal to 
stop him, or attempt to stop him 1 And as he disregarded my 
call, I consider I was fully justified in acting as I did." 

George Southey continued his pursuit. Colonel Smith, 
having managed to stop his horse, was close at hand, and 
Mr. Shaw now came up within sight and hearing. Again 
was Hintza called upon to stand, but as he would take no 
notice, Colonel Smith shouted out, " Fire again, Southey." 
George Southey did so, and Hintza fell, but only to get up, 
run down the hill at great speed, and find his way into 
the bush. George continued the pursuit, and after having 
run fully the distance of a mile, came to the edge of the 


bush, where he met Lieutenant Balfour. Both leaped down 
the bank together, and one went up and the other down the 
stream. Southey had proceeded only a short distance through 
the dense thicket when, near the edge of the water, he heard 
an assegai strike the stone on which he stood. Looking 
quickly round, he saw a Kafir's head, and an assegai uplifted 
so near him that he had to spring back to make room for his 
gun. He fired instantly, and a moment afterwards the 
Paramount Chief of the Kafir nation fell dead. 

The death of Hintza was the signal for an outcry against 
colonists. The Paramount Chief had been murdered in a 
dastardly manner, and the additional calumny was added 
that his body was mutilated after death. It is lamentable to 
notice how many missionaries lent themselves to the circula- 
tion of these falsehoods. The Eev. Mr. Laing, in his exami- 
nation, could only refer to hearsay evidence. George Southey 
denied the allegations on oath, and Lieutenant Balfour, of the 
72nd Eegiment, who was present at the death, distinctly 
states in his evidence that he did not see Mr. Southey cut off 
Hintza's ears, and he could take it upon himself to assert most 
positively that no such thing was done, for they both left the 
bush together, and at that time Hintza's body was not in any 
way mutilated except by the shots fired.* 

To understand these times, in which Eichard Southey 
took a prominent part, it is necessary to advert to the atti- 
tude taken up by Dr. Philip and other missionaries against 
the British settlers. Entirely carried away by sympathy 
with the natives, whom they looked upon as a people who 
were oppressed and robbed by the colonists, they were mainly 
instrumental in stirring up an agitation which found a powerful 
echo in England, and resulted in a Parliamentary inquiry, as 
well as in the disastrous reversal of Sir Benjamin D'Urban's 
policy, and the appointment of Lieut.-Governor Stockenstrom 
to the Eastern Districts. 

* See his evidence published in the Grdhamstown Journal of 8th Septem- 
ber, 1836. 


It is very interesting to look at the evidence of Colonel 
Cox, an officer of high integrity and ability, taken before the 
House of Commons Committee. In reply to questions, he 
says that, from a conversation he had with Macomo and 
several of the Kafir chiefs, they seemed to imply that they 
were encouraged to come into the colony ; * indeed, that they 
were led to go to war by correspondence or intercourse with 
people within the colony. From writings and discussions, 
as well as from other sources, he was led to think that the 
natives were encouraged by persons within the colony to 
assert their own independence, or avenge supposed injuries. 
Until the war broke out the Kafirs were on friendly terms 
with the frontier people, but their minds were poisoned by 
the sympathy and commiseration they received, as well as 
by their supposition that the Hottentots would join them. 
The tendency of the writings of Dr. Philip, Mr. Read, and 
Mr. Bruce was to disturb the peace of the frontier. 

We cannot be surprised that there should be sympathy 
for the Kafirs in England, if the case against the colonists 
were believed. This included charges of wanton, cruel, and 
unprovoked attacks on Kafir kraals, accompanied by the 
murder of inoffensive native women. The chiefs, they said, 
were plundered, and when they represented this to the 
aggressors their cattle were partly restored, and they were 
then told that the attack was made by mistake. The British 
people were supplied with such statements as the following: — 

"False alarms, in which the Cape Frontier is so prolific, are 
advantageous to none but those who covet the possession of 
stolen cattle, or expect more benefit from military coercion and 
the increase of the forces than from conciHation and justice." t 

The grossest calumnies against the British settlers were 
evidently believed by many missionaries and politicians. 

* House of Commons inquiry, 18th April, 1836, taken over by De Zuid 
Afrikaan, also by the Journal. 

t See the evidence of Mr. Stockenstrom before the Committee of the 
House of Commons, 22nd May, 1835. 


The Commercial Advertiser in Cape Town was ranked among 
the settlers' enemies, and the poor people who had lost 
everything they possessed, in the Kafir War of 1835, felt 
extremely the cruel injustice with which they were treated. 
Sir Benjamin D'Urban, whose personal experience enabled 
him thoroughly to understand the subject, is thus referred 
to by the contemporary GraJiamstoiun Journal — 

" He came to the colony evidently believing that the natives 
were an ill-used people, and refused to permit the Commandant 
of the Frontier to pursue extreme measures towards even those 
robbers who were actually plundering the inhabitants within 
colonial limits ; yet the very same individual is compelled, as an 
act of justice and in the discharge of his high office, to take 
upon himself the responsibility of annexing a larger tract of the 
Kafir territory than all his predecessors had ever thought of, 
whilst at the same time he gives all the false notions previously 
entertained by him of the Kafir people to the winds. More- 
over, in the style of every other Governor of the Colony, after 
they had acquired a practical acquaintance with the subject, he 
declares by a public edict that those people whom he had been 
led to believe were an amiable and oppressed race are ' treacherous 
and irreclaimable savages.' " 

The Southeys had lost their all — stock, house, and furni- 
ture. They were left destitute in consequence of a totally 
unprovoked irruption of savages, and were aware of cold- 
blooded and brutal murders of white men and women. No 
wonder that they and the other settlers felt their blood boil 
in their veins when charges such as those already referred 
to were hurled against them. An expression of opinion 
took place when his Honour Andries Stockenstrom, the 
new Lieut.-Governor, arrived in Grahamstown. An address 
signed by about four hundred British settlers was rejected 
by him ; but a public meeting was permitted, at which 
strong resolutions were unanimously adopted unequivocally 
denying the statements made against the settlers before the 
Committee of the House of Commons. At the same time 


an anxious desire was expressed for a full and impartial 
inquiry into every allegation. 

The first resolution at the public meeting was moved 
by Mr. Edward Norton, who said " that there might have 
been individual cases of bad treatment or plunder on the 
part of the settlers, although he had not known of any 
specific case being brought forward. But even supposing 
some cases had occurred, were the settlers to be branded 
with infamy in consequence." Mr. Godlonton, in moving 
the second resolution "felt no little pride in finding his 
brother settlers at their posts, and that when their rights 
were assailed they were ready to defend them. They stood 
before the public as an injured and aspersed people." 

Mr. W. E. Thompson, in proposing the third resolution, 
declared "that they had been robbed and insulted. Loss 
of property might be borne with — by industry and perse- 
verance that might again be recovered — but the charges 
against their character were of far more serious consequence. 
They owed it to themselves that the false and malignant 
assertions of their enemies should be refuted." 

Mr. George Jarvis, during his speech, stated that "it 
had been asserted that the British settlers had nothing to 
complain of. The situation of the major part of the inhabi- 
tants of this frontier was a sufficient refutation of this 
absurdity, and, after the sufferings and outrages to which 
the settlers had been subjected, the editor of the Edinhurgh 
Beview gravely assumes that in South Africa war is made 
for the benefit of the Dutch Boers and their yokemates, the 
British settlers. The Quarterly Rcvievj follows on the same 
side, and the talented editor of a leading publication seriously 
advises his friends in this country not to publish anything 
in favour of the colony, because ' it would not pay.' Popular 
feeling in England was against the settlers, and the very 
pedagogues of Holland were assisting by their school-books 
to hand them down to posterity as disgraceful to humanity, 
or, to use the words of a member of the House of Commons, 


' committing deeds enough to; make an Englishman blush.' 
To give an instance of how proceedings were carried on — 
a nameless individual had written to the Colonial Minister 
an account of the death of Hintza, and that account, filled 
with falsehood and exaggerated statements, unsupported by 
authority, had been received as forming a grand charge. 
What had been the result? Upon the mere assertion of 
this nameless person, a Court of Inquiry was immediately 
ordered. Could they not, then, hope that when seven hun- 
dred inhabitants asked for an inquiry one would be granted ? 
All they begged was a full, calm, and dispassionate inquiry, 
the result of which no honest man in Albany feared, as it 
could only lead to a right understanding of our case and 
full redress of our grievances." 

Mr. E. Pitt, senior, called attention to what had been 
accomplished in Grahamstown and the villages of the settle- 
ment. " And what had they done to the Kafirs ? He was 
conscious that in no single instance had he ever ill-treated 
them, and yet, as a member of the community, he was held 
up to the scorn and abhorrence of the world as a murderer, 
a plunderer, and a disgrace to the name of man." 

Mr. L. H. Meurant conceived that the exposure which 
had already taken place in this colony could not fail to 
convince every impartial person of the utter falsity and 
heartlessness of the charges brought against the frontier 
inhabitants by Dr. John Philip, as well as by Messrs. Pringle, 
Bruce, Buxton, and Captain Stockenstrom. 

Mr. Godlonton took an active part in the agitation, and 
in the columns of the Gi-ahamstoion Journal ably vindicated 
the cause of the settlers. At this time Eichard Southey 
was more a man of the sword than of the pen — of action 
rather than of speech. He and his family were, however, 
so intimately identified with the settlers, and so suffered 
and fought with them, that it has seemed desirable to give, 
as far as possible, from contemporary sources, a view of 
contemporary discussion. 


At the close of the war of 1835 Mr. Southey's services, 
which had been most favourably referred to iu general 
orders, received prompt recognition. He says in one of his 
memoranda — 

" I was appointed Resident Agent and Justice of the Peace 
with certain of the Kafir tribes (the Amaslambies at Mount 
Coke), and served as such until Sir Benjamin D'Urban's policy 
was reversed, and the ofiice abolished at the end of 1836." 

The official letter dispensing with Southey's services is 
dated 24th December, 1836, and states the regret of the 
Governor that, in consequence of arraugements which have 
been recently made by the Lieut.-Governor, his appointment 
as Eesident Agent with the families of Nonube, Suvana, 
Umgahu, and Tzatzoe will cease from the last day of the 
year, and " His Excellency at the same time begs to offer 
to you the assurance of his sincere regard for you, and to 
express to you his best thanks for your able and valuable 
services." The letter is signed by John Bell, then Secretary 
to Government in Cape Town.* 

A new Pharaoh now arose who knew not the Colonial 
Joseph, and, consequently. Sir Benjamin D'Urban, the 
British settlers, and such men as the Southeys, were in 
disgrace. A terrible blunder was at the same time com- 
mitted which cost the British nation much blood and treasure 
in subsequent Kafir wars. Lord Glenelg, who held the office 
of Secretary of State for the Colonies, looked from a very 
narrow and ill-informed point of view upon the annexation 
of country by Sir Benjamin D'Urban. In his opinion it was 
a simple act of spoliation. The Kafirs were consequently to 
have their country back, and the bushy fastnesses gained by 
the valour of British troops were restored to faithless and 
cruel savages, whose acts of rapine, plunder, and lawlessness 
were crowned with reward. But, worse still, the Kafirs 

* For an interesting epitomized narrative of Mr. Southey's military- 
services from his own pen, see Appendix A. 


were immensely encouraged to again make efforts in the 
same direction whenever a fitting opportunity offered. In a 
memorandum by one of the family we are told that the 
Southeys were disgusted with this unjust and retrograde 
step, and realized that life and property would still more 
than hitherto be at the mercy of the treacherous Kafir. 
Eichard Southey and his brothers therefore considered it 
wise to remove to the midland division of Graaffreinet. 
Their losses during the war consisted of about 800 head of 
cattle, 1000 sheep and goats, as well as 50 horses and all 
their household effects. 

For ten years, from 1836 to 1846, we must look upon 
Eichard Southey as engaged in mercantile and farming 
pursuits. For that period he was occupied as a private 
citizen, and there are numerous old letters concerned with 
the bargains, the sales, and the general business of the time. 
He lived in a very comfortable house in the " Gem of the 
Desert," as the town of Graaffreinet was named. A long 
interval thus intervened between the acts of his public life, 
and it was not until the year 1847 that, on the appointment 
of his old friend. Sir Harry Smith, to be Governor of the 
Cape Colony, a new career opened up to him in the service 
of his country. 

To show the character of his business transactions, and 
that they were sometimes on a larger scale than we should 
have supposed, we can refer to an agreement dated 13th 
March, 1843, between Eichard Southey and WilUam Shaw, 
both of the district of Graaffreinet, for the purpose of dis- 
solving their present " partnership and entering into a new 
copartnership." Eichard Southey takes over the farm 
Klipgat for the sum of ten thousand rix dollars (£750), and 
all the stock belonging to the partnership at a valuation. 
" The new partnership to be as follows : Eichard Southey to 
stock the farms Modderfontein and Knoffelkoek with breeding 
horses, cows and heifers, 1200 wooled wethers (Cape sheep 
have no wool), one waggon complete, oxen, tools, and farm 


implements." William Shaw to have a half share, manage 
the farming business, have the wool and milk, besides all he 
can gain by agriculture, but pay quit-rents and all expenses. 
Cattle and horse-breeding were no doubt profitable, and in 
sheep-farming there was a large annual increase. Accounts 
were made out at the end of every year, and Richard Southey 
drew half of all clear profits, and was left perfectly free to 
carry on his law agency and general business in the town 
of Graaffreinet. 


1836 to 1846 : Ten years of private life — Arrival of Sir Harry Smith — 
Mr. Southey, Private Secretary and Special Agent — Tlie Sovereignty 
and Moshesh — Letters from Sir H. Smith, Messrs. Shepstone and 
Godlonton — Reports from Mr. Southey — Letters from Messrs. Moflfat 
and Fraser — Correspondence. 

THE curtain which had descended on the drama of Mr. 
Southey's career when Colonel Smith left the colony 
in 1836 rose again upon the return of that great soldier in 
1847. The new Governor and High Commissioner at once 
wrote to his old friend, and in the kindest manner invited 
him to come and see him, "unless his success in business 
made him desirous to continue his present career." The 
result was the offer of the appointment of Private Secretary, 
which Mr. Southey accepted, and with characteristic prompt- 
ness he immediately joined the Governor's staff. Sir Harry 
Smith says — 

" My dear Southey, — Without circumlocution, I am anxious 
to know if you desire employment under me as High Commissioner 
again to settle our black children. If your prospects of life are 
very good I should say stay where you are ; if they are not, and 
it be in my power (for as yet, of course, I have decided on no 
future plan), I shall be, as you know, happy to avail myself of 
your faithful services. Let this communication be strictly 

Mr. Southey proceeded with His Excellency to Buffalo 
Mouth (now East London), and thence to King Williams 
Town, where Sir Harry Smith met Sandilli with a large 


number of natives. They subsequently x^roceeded overland 
to Natal, and met Commandant Andries Pretorius on imperial 

It is desirable to explain that the emigrant Boers {de 
har de-emigrant en) claimed the territory from the Vet to the 
Vaal Eiver, as having been purchased by Potgieter in 1838 
from the Chief Makwana for a few cows. When the tidings 
of the taking over of the country reached them, and they 
heard of the appointment of three British magistrates, they 
held a meeting at Potchefstroom, and adopted resolutions 
which they forwarded to the High Commissioner. In these 
they declared that scarcely one-eighth of the inhabitants 
desired to have a magistrate, and that they hoped the 
military operations with which they were threatened would 
not take place. They hoped also that His Excellency would 
acknowledge that they had a right to the land claimed by 

So the emigrant Boers were in a state of unrest. The 
words of the Psalmist, " As arrows in the hands of the 
mighty, so are the children of those cast out," were ex- 
emplified in their case, for undoubtedly, if we look at history 
from the Boer point of view, they had been driven from the 
Cape Colony and Natal, and consequently they entertained 
bitter feelings against the British Government. Delegates 
from the Dutch farmers had complained to Governor Sir 
Henry Pottinger of the indiscriminate admission of Kafirs 
into the sovereignty. " They had lost," they said, " all that 
is or can be valuable to a farmer — the sense of security 
for life and property." Pretorius, as their leader, loudly 
called for an inquiry, but decision on the subject was post- 
poned until the arrival of Sir Harry Smith. 

A brief review of events previous to the advent of Sir 
Harry Smith seems desirable in order to clearly understand 
the position of both British and Dutch over South Africa. 
In Natal, so far back as the year 1836, American missionaries 
were allowed by Dingaan to found a station on the river 


Umlazi, about eight miles from the bay ; and in June, 1837, 
the English Missionary Society established itself. Captain 
Gardiner exercised authority over British subjects under a 
special imperial statute, and Europeans in Natal desired the 
territory in which they lived to be recognized as a British 
colony. At this time the great Zulu chief, Dingaan, claimed 
the whole country between the Drakensbergen and the sea 
as far south as the Umzimvabu, but exercised no direct 
authority south of the Tugela. 

In October, 1837, Pieter Eietief, at the head of a small 
band of emigrant Boers, proceeded from Thaba Ntshu in 
order to obtain Dingaan's consent to their settlement in 
a portion of his extensive country. The Englishmen at 
the port were entirely in favour of this proposal. The 
unfortunate Eietief and his companions were received by 
Dingaan in the most friendly manner. Dances and feasting 
were followed by a seemingly fair agreement that if certain 
cattle taken from the Zulus by Sikonyella were returned the 
emigrants would be allowed to form a settlement. The 
stolen cattle, only seven hundred in number, were recovered, 
and nearly one thousand Boer waggons now crossed the 
Drakensbergen, and began to move out along the Blauw 
Krantz and Bushman Eivers in the promised land. Eietief, 
although warned, returned with a few men to Dingaan, and 
then obtained from this great chief a cession of Port Natal 

This grant was merely a trap for the Boers. The fair 
welcome was a farce, which became a tragedy when Dingaan 
called out, " Kill the wizards ! " and sixty-six Europeans 
were slain, including Pieter Eietief and Thomas Holstead, 
his interpreter. 

Three hundred and forty-seven men under Potgieter and 
Uys attacked the enemy, but, finding themselves inadequate 
in number, retreated to the Transvaal, and there, on the 
banks of the Mooi Eiver, founded the town of Potchefstroom, 
and established the South African Eepublic. 


It must be remembered that " the Boers " were emigrants 
from the Cape Colony, and that endeavours were made by 
the British Government to induce them to return to their 
former home. Those who were in Natal determined to 
remain there and punish Dingaan, and while they were 
considering the subject the Englishmen of D' Urban took 
possession of the port in the name of the Association of South 
African Emigrants. Sir George Napier, Governor of the Cape, 
issued a proclamation, in which he not only invited the 
Boer emigrants to return, and stated that they could not 
renounce their allegiance, but also declared his intention 
of taking military possession of Port Natal, and that her 
Majesty's Government was determined to permit no further 
colonization in South Africa. 

Dingaan's army was thoroughly defeated by the Dutch 
emigrants, but a British military detachment was sent from 
Port Elizabeth to occupy Port Natal for the express purpose 
of preventing the farmers forming a separate Government. 
This, however, they persisted in establishing at Pietermaritz- 
burg, after having made a treaty of peace with Dingaan, 
including specially the confirmation of the cession of land 
already referred to. In December, 1839, the British troops 
were withdrawn from Port Natal, and any idea of forming a 
British colony there was abandoned. 

Taking advantage of a quarrel between Panda and 
Dingaan, the Boers declared for the former, and were able, 
when the latter was conquered and killed, to annex (on 
14th February, 1840) " all the land from the Tugela to the 
Black Umvolosi, including St. Lucias Bay." Then came a 
very democratic Government, carried on in such a manner by 
well-meaning, but intensely ignorant people, as to result, 
Mr. Theal tells us, "in utter anarchy."* The Dutch emi- 
grants were not content with two republics — one in Natal 
and the other in the Transvaal — but several parties of them 
acted independently between the Vet Ptiver and the Orange. 
* History of the Boers in South Africa, p. 137. 


In 1840 Sir George Napier was asked to acknowledge 
the emigrants as a free and independent people, but he 
considered that the weakness of their government might 
become a fruitful source of individual acts of wrong, and that 
as British subjects they could not throw off their allegiance. 

He was prayed to declare their settlement " a free and 
independent state under the name of ' The Kepublic of Port 
Natal and adjoining countries.' " An attack on the Bacas in 
force, under Commandant General Pretorius, precipitated 
matters, and convinced Sir George Napier that British 
interests in South Africa were now imperilled, as anything 
that tended to drive the natives down to the Cape frontier 
increased war dangers. 

British troops were sent to protect Faku from the 
emigrants, and they were informed that no communication 
could be held with them until they acknowledged their 
allegiance to the British throne. A garrison was also placed 
at Natal. 

The Volksraad in Pietermaritzburg, on 21st February, 
1842, in a long letter to Sir George Napier, energetically 
defended their position as an independent Eepublic, and 
most emphatically protested against any appropriation of 
their land. The language used shows clearly the position 
taken up by the Boers who had to be managed by Mr. 
Southey in the Sovereignty. 

" We know," they say, " that there is a God, who is the ruler 
of heaven and earth, and who has power, and is willing to pro- 
tect the injured, though weaker, against oppressors. . . . We 
cannot allow that might against right should triumph. We are 
able to convince every true philanthropist that our intention 
with regard to the Kafirs is founded on true philanthropy. . . . 
We are bound to declare our conviction that we shall not be 
safe in this country, or even able to subsist, if we again submit 
to a Colonial Government as before. . . . Fate seems, therefore, 
to drive us to one of two choices, namely, to bend ourselves like 
oxen to bear willingly the burden ; or, in the defence of our 



rights, of our possessions, nay, even of our lives, to take to arms 
and fight against our oppressors, and with our fall or failure to 
end our troubles on earth." 

Only one termination to these events was possible. 
Colonel Cloete relieved the small British force besieged at 
Port Natal, and the Dutch emigrants, much against their 
will, were forced to submit. Lord Stanley, then Secretary 
of State, although not much in favour of establishing a new 
colony, ordered the Governor to inform the emigrants " that 
the allegiance which they owe to the British Crown is, 
according to the laws of the British Empire, an obligation 
which it is not in their power to disclaim or to violate with 

Although the great majority of the emigrant farmers 
moved to Natal, or to the country drained by the Vaal Eiver, 
nevertheless, a few hundred families remained along the 
lower Caledon, in the country known eventually as *' The 
Sovereignty," and these were afterwards supplemented by 
Boers from Natal. These people neither acknowledged the 
Patchefstroom nor Pietermaritzburg Government, but were 
fully imbued with the sentiments of their brethren, already 
illustrated and explained. A great factor commenced to 
operate when Dr. Phillip and the Exeter Hall party took 
command of the British Government and people. A plan of 
sustaining and protecting native chiefs was established, and 
Moshesh, the Chief of the Basutos, was sufficiently astute 
to declare his approval of it. 

The Griquas, or Bastards, had also to be counted with, 
and, on the whole, an embroglio of a most striking and 
peculiar character existed. It was on the 22nd October, 
1842, that the whole country from the 22nd degree of 
longitude eastward to the sea, north to the 25th parallel 
of latitude, was solemnly proclaimed British ; but Sir George 
Napier repudiated this assumption of territory, and at the 
same time firmly held the emigrant Boers to their allegiance. 
While doing so, he enraged them exceedingly by granting 


independence to various native tribes as well as to the 
Griquas, Hostilities at last broke out between Adam Kok's 
people (Griquas) and the Boers ; so that in the year 1845 
a brigade of British troops had to be sent up to quell the 
disturbance. This was easily effected, and their comman- 
dants, Mocke, Kock, and Du Plooy, with their adherents, 
retired to Winburg. A party under Oberholster, which had 
from the first tried to keep out of the strife, took the oath 
of allegiance to her Majesty, Another party, under I, T. 
Snyman, had kept aloof, and professed to hold their lands 
from Moshesh. 

Sir Peregrine Maitland held a great meeting of chiefs 
and others at Tauwfontein in 1845, and then a plan was 
arranged under which the great Griqua territories under 
Adam Kok were to be entrusted for administration to a 
British Eesident. Major Warden was eventually appointed 
to this office. The proposal was at the same time made 
by Moshesh to give up, for the use of Europeans, a small 
triangular piece of ground between the Caledon and Orange 
Rivers. It ought to be mentioned that a large number 
of Boer farmers had settled down in country which this 
chief claimed as his own. 

Sir Peregrine Maitland wisely employed a Special Com- 
missioner (Mr. Joubert) to examine thoroughly and report. 
This gentleman found most of the Boers to be republicans, 
that the missionaries held opposite opinions among them- 
selves respecting the rights of Moshesh, and that the chiefs 
were by no means united. The French missionaries and 
their patron Moshesh had become extremely powerful, while 
the Boers obstinately maintained their republican views at 
Winburg. They were, hoM^ever, attacked by Major Warden, 
and then a portion of them agreed to accept a Landrost from 
her Majesty's Government. 

Certainly the position of the emigrants was at this time 
most lamentable. Commissioner Cloete, at Natal, had called 
upon those who remained below the Drakensbergen to prove 


rights of occupation before a certain period ; but most of 
them were unable to do so. In desperation they sent 
Messrs. A. W. J. Pretorius and Du Plooy to represent their 
case to Sir Henry Pottinger, but that Governor would not 
even receive them. 

It will be seen from the foregoing what peculiar com- 
plications existed, so far as the Boers and natives were 
concerned, when Sir Harry Smith arrived as Governor in 
December, 1847, and into what an embroglio Mr. Southey 
had to plunge when he undertook the of&ce of Special 
Commissioner in the Sovereignty, and had to collect tribute 
from the farmers. 

Mr. Pretorius placed his grievances before the public 
through the press. 

" Where," he said, " was the Government with its power 
when, surrounded by miseries and bloodshed, we found ourselves 
suddenly in the midst of cruel barbarians ? when upwards 
of 400 men, women, and children were murdered by these 
wretches ? Were we not, then, its subjects when we were com- 
pelled from oppression to quit the land of our birth and plunge 
unprotected in the wilderness 1 " 

Sir Harry Smith began to try to evoke order out of 
chaos in the Sovereignty, and numerous letters show how 
important a part was performed in this service by Mr. 
Southey. His Excellency went up to that country in 1847, 
proclaimed the Queen's authority in February, 1848, and 
Bloemfontein was made the seat of Government. A Land 
Commission which was appointed divided the territory into 
the districts of Bloemfontein, Caledon Eiver, and Winburg ; 
quit-rents were fixed, and magistrates appointed. The 
Governor estimated that the cost of government would 
amount to about £4500 per annum, and that the annual 
revenue might considerably exceed £5000 yearly. 

It must be admitted that the Imperial authorities very 
reluctantly approved of the extension of British territory be- 
yond the Orange Eiver ; but it was believed that the natives 


required protection, and that the farmers — poor and without 
government — would gladly submit. 

Boundary and land-claim difficulties were serious. French 
missionaries had entered into a virtual alliance with Moshesh, 
the Chief of the Basutos, and vast dissatisfaction existed 
in the minds of the emigrant Boers with reference to the 
position of the natives. Indeed, extreme confusion existed 
when Mr. Southey was sent up with full power, not only 
to investigate and report, but to make definite arrangements 
for tlie settlement of the new State. 

In a characteristic manner, Sir Harry Smith had de- 
clared — 

" Oh, how I detest the name of war and commotion ! The 
many battle scenes I have witnessed arise Hke phantoms to my 
imagination. But as I abhor war, so will I terribly wield its 
power if you drive me from your affection. If you compel me to 
wield the fatal sword, after all I have attempted for you, the 
crime be upon your own heads ; and while my troops shall exult 
in victory, I will weep as you have seen me do over the fallen, 
the defeated, the deluded ; your lands shall be wrested from 
you, your houses destroyed, your herds swept off, your own hearts 
blackened by wicked ingratitude, and your faithful, your generous 
friend, who has exerted himself for your exclusive benefit, turned 
into the avenger of evil." 

In consequence of the action of the Sovereignty Land 
Commission in defining the boundaries of districts and the 
limits of farms, Pretorius raised the " standard of rebellion." 
On the 17th July, 1848, he appeared before Winburg, and 
forced Major Warden to surrender. When the Governor 
heard this he set off at once for the Sovereignty,* gave orders 
that all available troops should march thither, declared 
Pretorius a rebel, and offered £2000 for his apprehension. 

* When endeavouring to cross the Orange River, the troops were baulked 
by difficulties connected with getting a boat across. Sir Harry lost his temper, 
and threatened to shoot the men in the boat ; but in the evening, after 
dinner, Mr. Southey suggested that a much lighter rope for the boat should 


Sir Harry Smith, with Richard Southey riding by his 
side, entered the Sovereignty with two companies of the 
Kifle Brigade, two of the 45th Eegiment, two of the 91st 
Regiment, two troops of the Cape Mounted Rifles, and two 
field pieces. There were in all nearly 700 men. The rebels 
retreated precipitately, leaving their dinner only partially 
cooked; and several friendly Boers accompanied our force. 
All went well until Boomplaats was reached on the 28th 
August, 1843. Mr. Southey had already warned Sir Harry 
Smith that the Boers would give battle, and the Governor's 
answer v;as, " They dare not." At the Governor's request, 
Southey rode forward with two Cape orderlies in order to 
parley with the Boers, when they fired on him, and both his 
orderlies dropped off their horses, but he was not hit. As 
the British force was leaving this place they received a 
very unexpected volley of musketry from Boers concealed 
behind hillocks. Sir Harry and Mr. Southey, riding together, 
were disturbed by bullets flying around them, and then Sir 
Harry, after a few strong observations, ordered the Rifle 
Brigade to charge the left flank of the enemy, while two 
companies of the 45th moved upon their left centre, and 
the 91st on their right centre; at the same time the guns 
operated with effect upon points where the enemy appeared 
most numerous. The Boers for some time stood their ground, 
but at last were pushed back from the ridge of low hills to 
the neck of the higher ridge behind. Subsequently, by a 
combined attack, the Boers were entirely driven from their 
position, and dispersed over the open country. This action 
was styled by Sir Harry Smith " the most severe skirmish 
he ever witnessed," and lasted for three hours. Certainly, 
the Governor and Mr. Southey had reason to be thankful 
for their escape, as they were in the hottest of the fire 
during the engagement. 

be got from Colesburg, in the shape of a sash-line. " TMiy the did not 

you say this sooner?" said his Excellency, who ordered Mr. Southey's 
suggestion to be immediately acted upon, with complete success. 


The official account of the battle of Boomplaats, taken 
from despatches, is as follows : — 

" A force consisting of two companies, Captains Murray and 
Harding, of the 1st Battalion, two of the 45th, two of the 91st, 
and two squadrons of the Cape Mounted Rifles, in all 700 strong, 
with two six-pounders, under the command of Colonel Buller, 
was ordered to proceed agaiast the disaffected farmers. March- 
ing vid Colesberg and Phillipolis, they arrived on the 29th August, 
1848, on the slope of a hill overlooking an extensive plain called 
the Boomplaats, which extended about twelve miles, and was 
terminated by a range of low rocky hills, rising one above another 
in height. Through these hills the road or track wound, and on 
them the Boers, estimated at about 2500 or 3000 in number,* 
had taken up their position, adding to its natural strength a kind 
of breastwork of piled stones. Had it been defended by dis- 
ciplined troops under a competent leader, it would have been, 
if not impregnable, at least not to be forced without most serious 

" The British force arrived at the foot of the hills between 
1 and 2 p.m., when Colonel Buller ordered the Cape Corps to 
advance, and to endeavour to turn the position in front and by 
both its flanks. But the Boers receiving them with a heavy fire, 
and some mistake having occurred in executing the order, they 
retired, and cleared the front for the riflemen, who in extended 
order advanced and drove the enemy at the point of the sword 
from the first and through the second range of heights, and kept up 
a galling fire on them as they retreated to the third and highest 
crest. Here they rallied their whole force and delivered a telling 
fire, under which men and officers fell fast. But nothing could 
stand the dash of the riflemen. This last position was carried, 
and at the end of two hours' hard fighting the Boers fled, after 
a short attempt at resistance behind the walls of a kraal. Then 
the troops were formed at quarter distance behind the guns, 
which opened with grape and shrapnel on the flying enemy, 
delivering their fire, limbei'ing up, and advanciag to the front, 
then firing again. Thus the pursuit was continued for about 
eleven miles, until, from sheer inability to proceed further, the 

* Theal, in his History of the Boers, states that the number of the 
Boers did not exceed 750. 


troops halted at Culverfontein for the night. The loss of the 
British included Captain Murray and Ensign Babington, 14 
soldiers, and 6 Griquas. Sir Harry Smith reported that 49 
dead bodies of Boers were found on the field, but this was 
denied by the farmers, who stated that their loss only comprised 
9 killed and 5 wounded." 

The Governor, with his Staff, now proceeded to Winburg, 
where the people readily came forward and took the oath 
of allegiance. On the 7th September, 1848, British 
sovereignty was reproclaimed at Bloemfontein under a 
salute of twenty-one guns. Kegulations for the better 
government of the country followed ; a local council was 
formed, and four magistracies established. In reporting 
to the Secretary of State, the Governor remarked — 

" It must not be expected that perfect cordiality can at once 
be established among men who have for so many years led so un- 
settled a life as those emigrant farmers ; men, moreover, of strong 
prejudices, jealous to a degree of what they regard as their 
rights, constantly at variance with one another, and evincing 
that want of confidence which I hope will be speedily removed." 

There can be no doubt that Sir Harry Smith was greatly 
assisted by the knowledge and sound advice of Mr. Southey. 
The Governor was a better soldier than politician, and 
possessed romantic sentiments, accompanied sometimes by 
dramatic action — in fact, he " wanted ballast ; " and, fortu- 
nately, Mr. Southey was beside him. to supply it. 

It is very difficult to appreciate adequately the immense 
difficulties connected with Mr. Southey's mission. As 
illustrative of his coolness and bravery, we may mention 
that a lion-hunt took place, when he was warned not to 
be present, as this opportunity would be taken to shoot him. 
In reply to earnest entreaty, when he was told that " bullets 
can take a wonderful direction sometimes," he answered in 
Dutch, " The bullet is not yet moulded that is to kill me." 
After a ride of seven miles, Mr. Southey dismounted, and 


started two lions out of their ambush in a reedy patch about 
twenty feet square. One of the pair, a lioness, was sub- 
sequently confronted in open country where there was no 
cover, and shot at a distance of a hundred yards. 

Among the emigrant farmers at this time every evil or 
scourge that South Africa had groaned under was attributed 
to British rule. As a well-informed writer tells ns * — 

" There were in those days many sayings and geloven (believ- 
ings) among the outlying Dutch farmers which attributed the 
principal evils suffered in the colony to the English. Various 
diseases among the people, unknown before, had made their 
appearance after the taking of the country in 1806 ; and some 
of the chief inhabitants, particularly men who had held high 
offices under the Dutch administration and accepted office after- 
wards under that of England, had been smitten with these 
diseases. One of them had no rest, seldom slept ; and when he 
died it was discovered that myriads of small vermin had taken 
up a position under his skin, and been for ever gnawing his 
flesh. Then the rust in wheat, smut in oats, lice in cabbages, 
and such-like scourges had come in with the settlers of 1820." 

A Hollander who was in the Sovereignty at the same 
time as Mr. Southey specially animadverted upon the 
admission of Hottentots to citizens' privileges, emancipation 
of slaves, non-payment of value, Kafir troubles, and a host 
of other things which made the Cape Colony unbearable as 
a place of habitation to the South African Boer. They had 
trekked in consequence, and now only wanted to be left 

Perhaps the most daring and well-executed acts of 
Eichard Southey's life were those connected with his special 
mission to the Sovereignty. The Governor left him behind 
at Bloemfontein to collect the lines levied on the Boers, As 
one of his brothers wrote — 

" This was a most hazardous and difficult business, and 
had to be done with the veriest shadow of military aid. He, 
* Cape Monthly Magazine, 1872, vol. iv. p. 76 et seq. 


however, did it with conspicuous success, and without creating 
friction ; mingling with the Boers in a friendly way, joining in 
their hunts and dance parties. To every one's surprise, he 
collected all the fines. Commandant Pretorius he had to follow 
up beyond the Vaal River — in those days a land without law 
or order. He remained in Bloemfontein until the counti-y had 
quieted down, and Major Warden had been installed as British 

The acquisition of 35,000 miles of good country between 
the Orange and Vaal Elvers was undoubtedly a boon to the 
people of the Sovereignty, and an advantage to the Empire. 
This was subsequently proved when, under good government, 
it became a prosperous country ; but the fatuous retrogressive 
or "scuttling" policy, which took place in 1853, resulted 
in this fine territory being abandoned against the wishes of 
many of its inhabitants. A remarkable sequel took place 
in 1902, when it again became a British colony. 

The more important letters of this period are now 
appended, as they throw light on the opinions and trans- 
actions of the time. 

In August, 1847, Dr. Fraser writes as follows : — 

"Bloemfontein, 5th August, 1847. 
"My dear SouTHEY, — The aspect of affairs is beginning to 
look threatening in this part of the world, and I fear we shall 
have a serious disturbance ere long, unless matters are managed 
in a very different way from what they have lately been. You 
will probably have heard that Sikonyela, seeing he was not 
getting his cattle back from Molitsani, as Major Warden 
promised he should, has attacked Molitsani, assisted by Gert 
Taaybosch and some of Jan Bloem's people, and killed 34 
of Molitsani's followers, and taken cattle. This was only 
what might have been expected, considering the way in which 
Molitsani was allowed to trifle with the Government authorities. 
Moshesh has written a strong letter to Warden, upbraiding him 
with being, indirectly at least, the cause of this loss of life. 
It appears to me that all confidence between the Major and 
Moshesh has ceased, and that they now mutually distrust each 
other. The Major seems unduly prejudiced against Moshesh, 


and declined to take the trouble of reasoning and talking with 
him that common justice required. With regard to the boundary 
question between Sikonyela and Moshesh, to the best of my 
knowledge and belief the Major never once broached it to 
Moshesh at Prynns on our late patrol. He certainly mentioned 
it to his son, and to the chief himself afterwards by letter, 
but not face to face, and in public, as it ought to have been. 
The Major seems to have laid it down in his own mind, as it 
appears to me without sufficient consideration, that there must 
be a war with the Basutos before we have peace. His mode of 
conducting business, or rather of not conducting business, with 
Moshesh is not unlikely to lead to such a result, but heavy will 
be the responsibility of that man who will heedlessly and thought- 
lessly thrust a war with a bordering savage tribe on this young 
and rising country. It is not for me to become Major Warden's 
accuser, but both for his own credit and for the sake of this 
community that bids fair to be a flourishing one, I could see him 
retire to private life with satisfaction, as for such alone is he 
fitted. This to you, Southey, cannot be new, and I hope you 
will try your utmost to prevent a war being thrust upon us, and 
Moshesh driven to fight against us. Let him be treated at 
least as well as Moroko, and be a little consulted with regard to 
his boundary-line. While Moroko is taken to the top of a hill 
and allowed to point out his own boundaries, Moshesh's are laid 
down in his absence without a word being heard from him in 
objection, if he have any. His people are then ordered to move 
beyond the line, to them imaginary, as their chief is not a party 
to its formation, and about which they can know nothing. Let 
Moshesh be pi'esent at the laying down of a line, and his 
objections be heard as his neighbour chief's were. The law of 
nations demands that they all be treated on an equal footing. 

" If Moshesh refuse to comply with what may be considered 
an equitable boundary, it will be then time enough to compel 
him. War is easily begun, but far from easily finished. We 
all know it is the last resource to which recourse can be had 
when every other means has failed. Even were we in every 
way prepared for it, it should be used only in extremity. How- 
ever, it is most undesirable to commence it, when the country 
is only recovering from the disturbances of the last year, and 
crippled in friends and probably forces. 


" I would to heaven you were here employed to act, or some 
other man of ability and energy, I write strongly, but I do so 
only from the extreme interest I feel in the welfare of the 
Sovereignty, and for no other motive whatever. I earnestly 
trust, therefore, that Sir H. will not sanction any attack on 
Moshesh until all that has passed between him and Major W. 
has been submitted to impartial inquiry. I intend this for your 
own eye alone, but should you think anything in it likely to 
assist you in averting that cursed war from the Sovereignty, 
you are free to use it as you will. Pray write soon, and with 
best regards to yourself and Mrs. Southey, 
" Believe me, 

"Yours faithfully, 

" A, F. Fraser." 

In July, 1848, Mr. O'Eeilly, a Magistrate in the Sove- 
reignty, writes — 

" Smithfield, Caledon River, 16tb July, 1848. 
" My dear Southey, — Rumours are again afloat of Pretorius 
intending to move down with two divisions, and the people are 
as uneasy and unsettled as they were in May. I have done and 
am doing all in my power to disabuse their minds, but I fear to 
little purpose. Secret communications are carried on from the 
rebel party about Winburg to such an extent that all I can say 
or do will have but little effect, although God knows I have 
exerted myself to the very utmost, and these are conducted in 
such a shrewd manner as to make detection impossible. I learned 
yesterday from one of my Field Cornets that secret communica- 
tions are carried on with some one in the East Riet River division 
of Somerset, and that frequent communications take place between 
that quarter and A. Pretorius ; but who the rebels are within 
the colony I cannot guess. 

" Most sincerely yours, 

"J. O'Reilly. 

" P.S. — How on earth am I to get on without money to pay 
the salaries 1 " 

Mr. Eobert Moffat, Junior, argues in a letter against 


forming a township at Elands Eiver (taken to be the real 
headwater of the Vaal), and prefers a site on " the splendid 
high rand of Platberg, with the view of the Drakensbergen 
and other hills in the distance — extremely beautiful." He 
goes on to say — 

" As to matter beyond Vaal River, Pretorius is, I think, a 
great man there again. They held a great ' Byeenkomste ' about 
two months ago (at Drie Poort) for the formation of a Raad, 
but neither the Hollander nor Potgieter nor Lombard were 
present. Potgieter was vexed with them because they had at 
the previous meeting made a resolution to allow him the Chief 
Commandantship till his sixtieth year, when he would be required 
to resign it and submit to the Raad. To this last meeting he 
sent a message that unless they allow him to remain an inseparable 
and perpetual ' Lid van de Raad ' he should withdraw his own 
name, and that of all his partizans, from the ' Maatschappy of 
Emigrants.' They did not comply, and he has done so, and is 
now actually on trek from Zoutpansberg in a N.N.W. direction 
into the vast interior. This peace-loving villain is determined 
never to submit himself to the English Government. We hear 
contending reports of the Hollander. 

" Hendrik Prinsloo has just come from Mooi River. He 
says, and I think you will credit him, that his great desire is 
that Vaal River be considered the boundary, and that there is 
a strong determination on the part of the Magaliesberg party to 
resist British authority. They say so long as they are allowed 
independence they will permit intercourse with the colony, but 
otherwise not. Hendrik paid 10s. for a licence of three months. 
All British ' ouderdom ' wishing to proceed beyond the river have 
to pay 100 rix dollars licence. One old fellow, a burgher here, 
De Wet, told me he heard Pretorius, in the last ' Byeenkomste,' 
say that his partizans must not imagine that he will ever again 
interfere with the south side of the Vaal River — not mentioning, 
however, his intentions with respect to the north. There is a 
party, of whom I wrote you at Origstad, where the fever has 
carried off forty instantaneously. They have abandoned the 
town, and chosen a new site called ' Kruger's Post,' about 
four hours higher to the west. Their leader, Cobus Burgers, 


is dead too, so you will see there are three parties beyond the 

" I have the honour to reroain, 

" Yours obediently and respectfully, 

" Robert Moffat, Jnr." 

The Governor writes — 

" Bloemfontein, 14th September, 1848. 
" Dear Sodthey, — On arriving yesterday I found everything 
going on I'ight, and Warren in great spirits. The fort, which 
I shall call 'The Queen's Fort,' will be a capital work, and very 
soon constructed. If Field Commandant Kokomoer (or Cucumber) 
and his party have not come on, send for old Silgee (Celliers), 
and half frighten him to death. Now is the time to start all 
hands. I do not know whether I gazetted the War Tribute 
Commission for the Yaal district, and Garvock cannot tell me, 
so I enclose it. I found Snyman awaiting me, but I have sent 
him to Smithfield to collect his people to talk with me. Halse 
will be my guide. I start on Saturday morning, but Morokos 
is out of the way, so I shall not go there. 


" H. G. Smith." 

Subsequently, when in the colony, Sir Harry writes — 

" Graaff Eeinet, 29th September, 1848. 
" My dear Southey, — Here we arrived yesterday, and are 
most comfortably put up in your elegant house. Mrs. Southey 
looks quite well, and bore her disappointment of your not returning 
as well as I expected. She rode on forty miles to prepare for us, 
and will insist on giving us up the whole house. We are off, 
however, again to-morrow for Somerset. William came a long 
way to meet us. Nothing can exceed the warmth of my recep- 
tion everywhere, but especially here. Some of the papers are 
twaddling about the execution, always catching at something. 
You will be glad to know that I have received Lord Grey's 
approval of all I have done at Natal and over the Orange River. 
Nothing can be more satisfactory than his Lordship's tone and 
style — which fits on very well to our late transaction. I long to 
hear whether Potgieter has come, and whether he means to be 


Landrost. Of all your proceedings, however, I know I shall be 
apprised as often as possible. I hope to reach Grahamstown 
on the 12th October. How long I shall have to stay there I do 
not know. The Eastern Province, or rather Grahamstown and 
Port Elizabeth, are vociferous about * a separate and distinct 
Government.' Be sure to get on well with Warden. He is very 
easily managed, but, like all weak men, very soon affronted. 


" H. G. Smith." 

Another of the same date is as follows : — 

" Graaff Keinet, 29th September, 1848. 
" My dear Southey, — I have received all your very satis- 
factory communications up to the 21st inst., and I fully 
approve of all you have done and are doing. Kick Speis, but 
pardon him on the conditions in my official. My Ijest regards 
to Bester. I can listen to no reduction of fines imposed by the 
Commissioner ; it would be useless if I did. Do as you wish 
with the Cape Corps, but, as you say, so soon as they are not 
wanted at Winburg they had better be at Bloemfontein, but do 
not send them away too soon. Now is the time to establish the 
mastery. Talk to Paul Bester about selling Jacob's farm, and 
frighten that old rascal Silgee — if that is the way to write his 
name. Stir up Mr. Kukumer also, but I think, as you say, he 
is employed in never allowing one to think he Jias escaped or 
deceived you. 

" Faithfully, 

"H. G. Smith. 

" Whatever document you give Spies as a temporary pardon, 
send copy of it to Lieut. -Governor Natal and also to Warden. 
I say 500 rix dollars fine for Spies because I suppose him to be 
very poor, but if rich make him pay three times that sum if 
Bester says he can ; but there is no discretion in imposing what 
a man cannot pay without borrowing the money." 

rrom Captain MacDonnell, on his Excellency's Staff, 
-writing from Cape Town, comes the following letter, dated 
19th October, 1848 :— 


"My dear Southey, — Many thanks for your note arrived 
with the tin* What a spec it would be were it all for one's self ! 
You appear to be getting on very well. Squeeze them well ; it 
is the only chance ; by-and-by I suppose it will become more 

" The Governor, etc., are expected on Saturday by the 
Phoenix. They were to leave Port Elizabeth 2 o'clock yester- 
day. Lady Smith intends coming in early this morning. Cloete 
will be in his glory— guards of honour, etc. Hugh (Holbeck) 
is flourishing. Government House looks like a ruin, being quite 
dismantled. There is one habitable room — the Governor's office. 
A large party at Sir John Wylde's to-night. Lady Smith and 
party go at 4 o'clock — sort of late tiffin. Others are to arrive 
by 7, when there is a concert, and then others again are to 
arrive by 9, when there is to be dancing. You see, therefore, 
three sets ; we go in the middle. . . . You will have seen by 
papers the great doings at Grahamstown — dinners, soirees, etc. 
The Governor is highly pleased with the dinner, and says quite 
a reaction has taken place in the feelings of the inhabitants, and 
everything passed off with the greatest unanimity and harmony. 
So far, so well. Garvock is delighted at the idea of coming by 
sea. He did not at all like the idea of another Long Kloof 

" Very truly yours, 

"H. J. Macdonnell." 

The Governor writes from Cape Town, under date 
9th November, 1848— 

" My dear Southey, — 

" I learn from Warden that Moshesh and Sikonyela are at 
active war. That must immediately be put a stop to, and peace 
established. You have my authority to act in all cases without 
further instructions. It appears to me desirable that both 
you and Warren see both Moshesh and Sikonyela, settle their 

* Mr. Southey had been very successful in collecting " the tribute " 
levied by the Governor. Sir Harry Smith considered this one of his most 
important duties, and it was certainly one of the most arduous. 


boundary question, and all other matters. They shall not fight 
longer than your arrangements are made. From all now before 
me, it appears Sikonyela is the aggressor. I shall be glad to get 
your report of your visit. 

" Everything goes on right in Warden and Vowe's com- 
mission, and the sums realized will be considerable. 

" I have great confidence in all you do, but peace must be 
maintained throughout. 

" Faithfully, 

" H. G. Smith." 

The following letters from Sir Harry Smith are charac- 
teristic and interesting : — 

"Cape Town, 24tli Oct.jber, 1848. 

"My dear Southey, — I arrived here on the 21st, and found 
awaiting me your letters of the 30th September and the 4th 
October, with all the documents accompanying them. Nothing 
can be more satisfactory or discreet than all your proceedings. 
I have only time to reply briefly. 

"1. You were quite right in returning the arms as you have 

" 2. I await further communication from you as to William 

" 3. I am glad to hear Abraham Smuts has acted so 
honestly ; as to the war fizzle of the Natal fellows, I must 
think of them. 

" 4. Potgieter must be out of the way, or he or Kruger 
would have done something. Meurant has a bad opinion of 

"5. I will hereafter place the licences on a footing with 
those in the colony. 

"6. Make any present you like to Meyer D. Wessell. 

"7. I am glad to find the patriots now desire to have their 
farms registered. 

"8. Vermeulen shows a contrite spirit. 

"9. I approve of your communication to Moshesh. I hope 
the aftair has been exaggerated — you must be very decided about 
' Peace.' 

"Your letter 3rd October. 



" 10. Bester appecars doing his best. Of course his party 
will be dissatisfied with him. 

"11. I shall be glad to hear the Cape Corps have i-eturned. 
You were right in sending them, 

"12. I dare say your notice was all right to the people 
beyond the Vaal River, but I do not find the copy. 

"13. That poor devil Pretorius has paid dearly already for 
neglecting my kindness. 

" 14. Let Du Ploy's fine remain as it stands. He was an 
incendiary. At Somerset he has relations who believe he was 

"15. I very much approve of your treatment of the poor 
boy who saved Salis' life. 

"16. I hope the quarrel between Moshesh and Sikonyela 
may have been arranged. 

"17. Glad to hear of the activity of the Elders and Deacons. 
Faure and Robertson have started for Winburg. 

" 18, Well done, the schoolmaster ! 

" 19. Rex shall not resign his present berth, nor Mofiat 
either ! 

" 20. Vowe will get on very well. I have sent O'Reilly to 
his old berth at Somerset 

"21. Warden will get a good deal from the rich fellows in 

" 22. You and Warden must arrange your post so as to 
reach Colesberg in time, but not before, 

" Faithfully, 

"H, G. Smith." 

" Cape Town, 2ntl November, 1 848. 
" My dear Sodthey, — By yesterday's mail I had the pleasure 
and great gratification to receive yours of the 5th October as to 
Moshesh. I will answer the Chief, You are quite right in 
insisting on peace ; also of the 9th, dated Farm of Field Cornet 
Van Vuuren ; of the 10th as to John Kok. He is not angry, 
he is a funk; also two of the 17th, which I will proceed to 
answer in detail ; also copies of letters to Secretary of Govern- 
ment Natal, and various Minutes of Proceedings of the Tribute 
Commission ; also Paul Bester's claim to farms in Port Natal, 
which I will attend to and see what can be done. 


"All your proceedings, as reported in letter of the 9th inst., 
I highly approve. Your going to Potchefstroom is a most 
energetic act, and I have no doubt of your being civilly treated. 
Kruger's letter to me is really thanking me for my pardon, and 
that he was coming to see me. He will have been with you 
before this. You are quite right as to the boundary question. 
It must be arranged finally by you and Warden. Your record 
of Pretorius' plans is highly interesting. I shall publish them, 
avoiding all trifles, and send home copy to Earl Grey. Recom- 
mend, in conjunction with Warden, men to me capable of filling 
the position of Justices of the Peace. I see no olyection to the 
Commissioners' Clerks. Lombard is a vulgar beast ; when you 
meet he will be more polite. I quite agree with you, William 
Jacobs is too notorious a rebel to be let off — sell his farm. 
There is no strength in Government pardoning one day and 
proscribing another. Thank Venter, Botha, and Bester for 
their messages and exertions, and that I rely upon them with 
confidence. I now proceed to your second letter of the 17th. 
Nothing you have done has caused me uneasiness, my confidence 
in your judgment and discretion being too firmly established. 
Many more, if not all, will return as soon as your just and 
lenient procedure becomes generally known — they are so truly 
appreciated. Be moderate in your seizures, and let leniency 
with decision mark your steps as they have been heretofore 
marked. I rely upon your just moderation. 

" I shall now refer to page 1 of your Minutes of the 14th 
inst. as to Bezuidenhout and Piet Brits. I approve of the fine 
on the former, which, when paid, shall release him from the 
outlawry as you request. Communicate accordingly. I approve 
of your course and recommendation in favour of Piet Brits. 
Let him return to his farm — he is a man of blood. As to John 
Kok's farm in Griqualand, you and Warren must report what 
can be done. Pretorius has received affliction from above. I 
am glad his son is not dead ; I pity the poor young man. I 
have received a communication from Lieut.-Governor as to 
Howell, and I am glad to find that he had been with you. 
I very much hope the post will be firmly established ; it will, 
as you say, in the beginning be expensive, but it is not to be 
avoided. Howell's account of the returning families is very 
good. I must, and so must you, insist upon Moshesh 


preserving peace ; but he ought to have redress. In settling the 
boundary question, you and Warren, being together, will have 
an opportunity of enforcing by argument my views. I have 
every confidence in your getting on well with Warden, who is 
ready to do right as soon as it is apparent what that is. I Hked 
Botha's blunt, honest style. Repeat to him my faith in his 
exertions. Your account of poor Dreyers' relations is very 
interesting, and shows how greatly the power of the law is 
I'egarded. Enquire into the circumstances of the widow. Poor 
creature, hers is a truly melancholy case, and, if in distress, 
something must be done for her. I am truly glad to learn you 
are so well treated by all. I hope you will succeed in finding 
the site of a town ; and I am pleased to find Rex has given 
satisfaction in the mode he has laid out Winburg. Your pecu- 
niary arrangements are admirable, and set on foot the mode of 
delivering land certificates on a firm but quick foundation. 
You must return via Bloemfontein and Smithfield ; finish every- 
thing then. If old Botha does not pay at once, I will double 
his fine and seize his property too. 

" Ever faithfully, 

"H. G. Smith." 

" Westbrook, 16th November, 1848. 
" My dear Southey, — I received yesterday your letter dated 
Bloemspruit, 22nd October. I approve of your going with 
Venter as you propose, and I am glad you name a prospect of 
return. I have printed in the Gazette the notice you sent me, 
and copies will be despatched as you wish. These applications 
for land show a degree of confidence we desire to create. I know 
you will in every arrangement promote it, but we must be most 
impartially just, and the precaution your notice takes is most 
correct. The quit-rent, upon the average, is quite as much as 
I expected. Before you leave Bloemfontein and Smithfield, make 
arrangements for the collection of the quit-rents generally with 
Warden, in order that I may, on your return, be in full possession 
of this important subject. 

" I am happy to hear C.M.R. [Cape Mounted Rifles] have 
returned, but I hope you kept them as long as you required 
them. Warden has started to Sikonyela to settle the hostile feel- 
ing with Moshesh. I shall be very angry with the aggressor, and 


indemnification shall be made. I fear the missionaries mix them- 
selves up in these quarrels. If you receive this in time to enable 
you, quietly intimate to these respective missionaries that their 
duty is mine, not to espouse any cause but that of right or wrong. 
" I see Lombard's conduct will prevent you going to Potchefs- 
troom, which I am not sorry for. Their disappointment will 
naturally create some violent feeling, which I hope you will not 
mix yourself up in. I shall be truly glad to see you en route 
back. I have promised your wife you are to go to GraafFreinet, 
and, of course, you will bring her with you. I do not believe 
that Potgieter has apprehended Pretorius. I shall be glad to 
hear from you again, as I see you attach some weight to Lom- 
bard's anger ; but he be d . 

" Faithfully, 

"H. G. Smith. 

" I shall send regular commissions to our Landrosts, Com- 
mandants, and Field Cornets. It will add importance to their 
appointments, but I wish we could hear from Potgieter — whether 
he comes or not. Kruger keeps away that he may pay no fine 
— the cunning fellow." 

A letter from Mr. Theophilus Shepstone, dated " Pieter- 
maritzburg, 13th May, 1848," expresses the utmost possible 
surprise at the receipt of Sir Harry Smith's manifesto against 
the emigrant Boers. 

"We had heard some rumours of an inclination, and even 
intention, of some of the Boers on the mountain to resist the 
declaration of sovereignty, but nothing so tangible as to com- 
mand much attention." 

He goes on to say — 

"Pretorius, as you will learn, I presume, from the official 
despatches, has refused his seat at the Board of Land Com- 
missioners, and appears to have made up his mind not to return 
to the district. I see there are some provokingly absurd instances 
of this kind during Sir Harry's journey. I am satisfied most 
of these things are done by designing men, who work upon the 
credulity and ignorance of their fellows, aided by the feeling of 
distrust and dislike of British rule that predominates among 


them all in that country ; and this will always be taken advan- 
tage of, until they are made to act differently. 


" Everything here is as unsettled as it is possible to be. I 
should rather say uncertain than unsettled. An opinion is 
prevalent here that Sir Harry will be here again shortly on 
this account ; but I confess I do not participate in it, because 
I think he must let his first medicine have time to operate 
before he can give another dose — the Doctor may perhaps think 
otherwise. He will, of course, know best how to treat his own 

" Very sincerely yours, 

" T. Shepstone." 

The veteran of the Eastern Province Press, Mr. God- 
lonton, writes from the office of the Graliamstown Journal 
on 14th November, 1848 — 

" Dear Southey, — I have been disappointed at not hearing 
from you ever since Sir Harry left you in your ' separate and 
independent Government.' I do not, however, write this com- 
plainingly, as I can very well understand the worry and anxiety 
of your employment. . . . By a letter which I got from Cradock 
last week, it seems some of the untamed rebels have found their 
way back into the Colony, and, it would seem, are not afraid 
to utter boldly their seditious sentiments. If this be so here, 
how stand matters in your quarter ? Some people endeavour to 
throw great discredit upon Sir Harry's proceedings across the 
border, and endeavour to persuade all who heed them that 
there will of necessity be another outbreak. Is this so? What 

is your opinion upon the entire subject ? 


" Business is horridly dull — some of our merchants quaking, 
and not a few of the smaller fry actually floored. All this is, 
of course, laid at the door of Sir Harry, who didn't keep up the 
expenditure of half a million per annum. I am sorry to say our 
farmers are not much better off. Oat-hay from a dollar to 2«. 
per 100, and wool 6d. 

" Yours most sincerely, 



" Private. 

" Westbrook, 23rd November, 1848. 

" My dear Southey, — I have received your letters of the 
2nd November, 11th November, and their enclosures. You 
have managed most capitally. I know not where to address 
you, so send this on a venture to Graaffreinet. I hope to see 
you and your family soon, although leaving such a comfortable 
home as yours is a bore. The sooner you come to me the better, 
for your observations throughout your travels will be of use to 
me. Warden's a weak man, Biddulph is an alarmist of the 
most exaggerated, chattering character ; he conceives ideas, then 
tries to find one to corroborate his romance. Rex sometimes 
sees clearly, but more often magnifies his subject. This terri- 
torial boundary is of real importance, for upon it depends 
peace, and I have no doubt but that you have made such 
arrangements as I shall be able to confirm. You are aware 
that Moshesh has aggrandized himself by his abilities, and that 
all the other chiefs are jealous of him — a feeling that their 
respective missionaries rather foment than allay. When we 
meet, and the whole of your Minutes of Proceediugs arrive, 
which you lead me early to expect, the form of the future of 
the sovereignty shall be completed for Earl Grey's confirmation ; 
and it is now in progress under the Attorney-General's auspices. 
So that you see, without any desire to have you, how important 
your presence is. 

"The war tribute is fully as much as I could have expected 
— indeed, far more — and if I had a head over the Orange River, 
the present chaos might be moulded into a permanency of 
harmony and union ; however, we must do the best we can with 
the tools we have got. Biddulph will, I fear, do harm wherever 
he can ; he has no more moral courage than a butterfly. 

" Lady Smith unites with me in afiectionate regards to Mrs. 
Southey, whom we hope very soon to see with you — both in 
very good health. 

" Faithfully yours, 

"H. G. Smith." 

" Government House, 7th December, 1848. 
"My dear Southey, — I have received all your letters up to 
the 22nd November. I highly approve of your energy in at 


once proceeding to meet Potgieter. His is a curious letter ; 1 
am glad, however, he is not coming as Landrost. Old Venter 
and Bester will get on well, if Venter desires to continue con- 
nected with Bester ; he is rich, and Bester is poor ; the latter, 
too, is young and active. I rely upon your prudence with confi- 
dence in your communications with Potgieter, and that you will 
enter into no agreement which can bear the construction of a 
treaty. These men are all Her Majesty's subjects, and we cannot 
treat with them. All that we can do is that which we have already 
done — confirm the Sovereignty within the limits proclaimed, and 
leave the crossing of the Vaal River to individual choice. 

" I await with interest the account of your interview. I 
have sent strong communications to Moshesh, Sikonyela, and 
the former's two sons, and I have decided their boundary as 
proposed by the Commission. I have drawn up a formal docu- 
ment for your guidance as to Moroko's boundary, a duplicate of 
which I have sent to Warden in case it misses you. Warden 
is shilly-shally in the collection of his fines. I have desired him 
to pounce upon some one by physical force — that is, the civil 
power, himself, supported by military — and to apprehend Otto if 
possible. Vowe's procedure is the most indiscreet thing I ever 
knew, in taking into his own hands the control of Moshesh or 
any other Chief's subjects. Impress upon all, white and black, 
that my power over them begins on the 3rd February, the date 
of my proclamation, which was to protect all as I found them, 
and that the natives are to continue under their own Chiefs, 
and their usages and laws are to be respected where it does not 
involve any international right, and in that case all my officers 
are to act through the medium of the Chiefs, and to avoid the 
course adopted by the indiscreet Mr. Vowe. 

" I have been up the country to open Mosterds Hoek Pass. 
I returned yesterday ; my last letter to you I addressed Graafif- 
reinet, which will account for you not hearing from me. You 
must settle the boundaries as well as you can before you leave, 
however glad I shall be to have you here, and Warden must 
collect the war fines due. 

" I have much to arrange after your arrival, as to a plan of 
future government of the Sovereignty, which I must submit to 
Earl Grey. 

" Faithfully, 

" H. G. Smith." 


The following is the document mentioned in the above 
letter : — 

" Government House, 7th December, 1848. 

"1. The question of boundary between Moroko, Moshesh, 
and the emigrant farmers is of an intricate character, and must 
be dealt with cautiously, with every endeavour to act justly 
towards each of the parties interested — to please all is impossible. 

" 2. My proclamation of the 3rd February was to establish 
the possession of property as it then existed — to protect the 
rights of all, white and black. 

"3. I am not disposed to move any of the emigrant farmers 
there established, except those east of the Modder River, along 
its junction with Moroko Spruit. 

" Mr. Southey will endeavour to arrange matters upon this 
principle, submitting any plan proposed for my approval. 

*■' 4. If any farmers have been tolerated on Moroko's territory, 
and have built thereon on the faith of such toleration, and are 
now required to remove, indemnification must be made, and other 
lands must be granted them. 

" 5, Mr. Southey will most faithfully record all evidence he 
may obtain upon which he founds the boundary-line, and submit 
the record to me with the plan proposed. 

"H. G. Smith." 

The following is a confidential communication to the 
Governor : — 

" Graaffreinet, 2l8t December, 1848. 
"My dear Sir Harry, — I left Bloemfontein on the evening 
of the 6th, and reached Smithfield on that of the 8th. On 
Saturday, the 9th, I visited first the French Missionary Institu- 
tion at Carmel, and settled a dispute between the missionaries 
and a Mr, Donovan, respecting the right to a portion of the 
farm on which the Institution is placed. * * * I proceeded 
thence to Lapino, and arranged his boundaries. Before leaving 
Winburg on my return I wrote to Moshesh requesting him to 
meet me at Smithfield on the 8th, to go over his boundary 
question. On the 9th I received a note from Mr. Dyke, one of 
his missionaries, asking me to delay until the 11th ; this I did, 
and then rode over to Beersheba, 35 miles east of Smithfield, 


expecting to meet him. He was not there ; but later in the 
evening his son Nehemiah and General Joshua, his brother, 
arrived with a letter to the missionary, Mr. Rolland. I was 
accompanied by Mr. Yowe, O'Reilly, Commandant Snymans, and 
all the Field Cornets of the district of Caledon River, and many 
farmers met me at the station, but, owing to the non-arrival of 
Moshesh, nothing definite could be done. There is a strong 
opposition in his tribe to making a boundary ; this opposition I 
consider to be headed by the missionary Rolland, who is the 
most cut-throat looking fellow for a missionary I ever came 
across. What this party wants is — that the Boers should hold 
their lands as subjects of Moshesh. Nehemiah says, when his 
father allowed the Boers to settle in this country, it was like 
giving a chair to a visitor to sit on, who is neither allowed 
to dispose of it or carry it away. I, of course, referred them 
to your Excellency's arrangement with Moshesh on the 7th 
January at Winburg, when Nehemiah was himself present, and 
told them that the new state of things dated from the procla- 
mation. I wrote to Moshesh, stating that after every possible 
inquiry and a good deal of personal examination, I should re- 
commend to your Excellency the best boundary, which I should, 
however, request you not to confirm until he should have had 
time to write you his views, impressing most strongly, however, 
on Nehemiah and Joshua that the question they must consider 
was, not whether or not there should be a boundary — but lohat 
boundary was the most proper to make. Moshesh himself is, I 
am convinced, most desirous of fulfilling to the utmost every one 
of his engagements ; but there is a spirit at work in his tribe 
which he finds diflficult to control, at the head of which I place 
Mr. Rolland ; he is quite a different man from any of the others 
I have seen, but he is, however, the Chief of the French Society. 

" All the missionaries, Rolland included, acknowledged that 
the natives are much more difficult to manage than they used 
to be, and that they are certainly not advancing in the scale of 
civilization at present. With the single exception of Rolland, 
the missionaries will be glad to see your Excellency's measures 
carried out, and both native and Boers kept within their proper 

" Rolland says the people of the Mission Schools of Beersheba 
— some 2000 souls — cannot live within the limits allotted, and 


want to gain the Smithtield town lands on the west, to drive 
out all the Boers between him and Moshesh on the east, and 
extend to Koesbergen on the south — an extent of about 2500 
square miles ! — cutting out, I should say, at least a hundred 
farmers. What I have allotted him, or rather his station, is 
about 225 square miles — in my opinion quite sufficient for any 
missionary station. 

" In coming through the country I could not help being some- 
times amused, though much vexed, to see how the Boers had been 
imposed on with regard to the provisions of the Burgher Force 
Bill. It had been instilled into them that they were to be 
soldiers for four years, all that time to be on duty at the out- 
posts, drilled daily and dressed as soldiers, and that, of course, 
when they were there, if their services were required in Europe, 
they would be at once shipped off, etc. 

"Your Excellency, 

« Very faithfully, 


We find the copy of a long letter to Mr. Eolland acknow- 
ledging " letters written in a spirit and couched in language 
which cannot benefit the cause you advocate or the sacred 
calling to which you belong." One letter from Mr. Southey, 
of 5th January, 1848, reports the transmission to the Military 
Secretary of £3378 12s. 

" The seizure of Steenberg's property was by my direction ; 
he is a very bad character, and said he would shoot the Field 
Cornet if he came for the money." 

In a letter dated 19th January, 1849, Mr. Southey says — 

* ' The Rev. Mr, Casalis is here, and I had a long conversa- 
tion with him yesterday. He tells me that if your Excellency 
confirms the boundary as recommended by me between the district 
of Caledon River and Moshesh's people, it will involve the re- 
moval of a good many natives from the direction of the Kaas- 
bergen ; at least 40 kraals, he says. I told him that such a result 
was certainly not intended by your Excellency." 


" (loveniment House, 14tli December, 1848. 
"Dear Southey, — I have received your most sensible letter 
of the 1st December from Piet Y enter. You have done most 
sensibly. I can say nothing more ; and I long to see you, but 
you must bring your wife, for I am contracted to her that you 
should do so. Lady S. and all unite in best regards and anxious 
hopes soon to see you. Tell "William S. I have received his letter. 
The people are wrong in not applauding my Burgher Bill ; how- 
ever, if the old Commando system is preferred, what objection 
can I possibly have ? My love to your wife. 

" Yours faithfully, 

"H. G. Smith." 

In a letter from Eobert Moffat, Junior, from the 
Sovereignty we are told — 

" There is a constant intercourse between this district and 
beyond, and lying is as prevalent as ever ; personal scandalizing 
is still more so, and to leave matters in their present state will 
not do. Mr. Biddulph finds it difficult to rule this district as he 
wishes in the present circumstances, nor could any one else, be 
he ever so an adept. The country beyond the Vaal is a refuge 
for all evil-doers ; one Boer has been actually stealing ten horses 
from the Maccatees here, and another Boer has committed almost 
as flagrant and villainous a theft from one of his Afrikander 
neighbours; but the rascals are byond the Vaal." 

Mr. Southey had performed the difficult duties entrusted 
to him in the Sovereignty with such efficiency as to secure 
the high approval of the Governor — his good temper, tact, 
and admirable common sense being throughout conspicuous. 
He became not only a great favourite of Sir Harry Smith, 
but it was recognized that he deserved this position, because 
of his conspicuous ability as a public servant. 


Aftairs in the Cape Colony — Separation — Letters from Halae, Meurant, 
Bisset, Moffat, Shcpsione, and others — John Montagu — The anti- 
convict agitation — Letters from GocUonton and Cock. 

AFFAIRS in the Sovereignty being now settled on what 
seemed a firm basis, Sir Harry Smith was able to turn 
his attention more thoroughly to the questions that were 
becoming urgent in the Cape Colony, and more particularly 
to the fears of another Kaffir rising. Many of the old 
dwellers on the frontier, still smarting under their old losses, 
being anxious and inclined to despondency, required to be 
reassured and encouraged. A strong feeling was growing at 
Grahamstown and Port Elizabeth in favour of a separation of 
the Eastern from the Western Province, and as the Home 
Government would not entertain the question, there was 
unrest in the Eastern Districts. Last, but not least, the 
Home Government itself was adding to the Governor's diffi- 
culties by proposing to make the Cape a penal settlement, 
which united English and Dutch colonists in opposition to 
Her Majesty's representative. 

The eastern portion of the Colony always engaged Mr. 
Southey's keen attention, and much of his correspondence was 
connected with it. Here is a strong letter from one of the 
frontier men (" poor Halse "), who had lost all his property 
in the war, and received no compensation. Em vaw disce 
omnes. He says — 

" Ere you receive this I suppose you have heard of the 
outrage oftered to us while engaged in the duties of Land Com- 
mission. You will yet find that I am not a mere alarmist or 
croaker. Am I to have any compensation, or shall I be com- 
pelled to apply to higher power, and be content with ruination 


and contempt for loyalty and what I consider to be a dischai-ge 
of my duty? If so, I will never do another day's duty in the 
way of shouldering ai'ms, or, in fact, in any way. By heavens ! 
this is too bad. If my case were brought before the public 
tribunal, what would be said of it ? My household property, 
books, merchandise, all lost, and although I discovered the 
robber I was told I could not have a civil action against him, as 
it was done in the war, and compensation would in all prob- 
ability be made by Sir Harry. My horses I supplied to Govern- 
ment lost or shot in Government service ; two saddles and bridles 
supplied by me, and never returned ; one gun ditto, ditto. Yet 
I may be called upon to act to-morrow, and if so I shall act, but 
if I learn that I am not to be compensated as Sir Harry promised, 
then I'll do no more. Excuse this ; I cannot think of it without 

feeling annoyed. ^ _ ^^ 

"= ^ « F. L. Halse." 

Among the letters of 1848 is the following from Mr. 
L. H. Meurant, a very well-known man in his day as news- 
paper editor, magistrate, soldier, and legislator. He says — 

" Grahamstown, 21st August, 1848. 
"My dear Souths y, — I arrived here yesterday evening from 
a six months' cruise in British Kaffraria, and having visited 
almost every portion of that fine country I can speak from 
personal observation. I do think Sir Harry has withdrawn too 
many troops from Kafiraria, and it is running a fearful risk 
should the Kafirs take it into their heads to take advantage of the 
rupture with the Boers. Such risks should not be incurred, nor 
such a temptation to recommence their old tricks thrown in the 
way of the Kafirs. Further than this, I do not think there is 
anything to fear. It is not true that the Kafirs are starving. 
During the whole of my long ride, as far as the mouth of the 
Kei, I saw but two individuals that could be classed under that 
head. I believe the Kafirs in the Ama tolas, in the rear of Fort 
Cox, are badly off*, and some may be starving ; but to speak 
generally, the Kafirs are right well ofi". Their cattle are fat, and 
there is abundance of milk everywhere. I do not, thei'efore, 
think there need be any fear of an outbreak, provided we have a 
reasonable force to keep them in awe. 

" Faithfully yours, 

" L. H. Meurant." 


Mr, O'Reilly writes from Somerset on the 12tli Novem- 
ber, 1848— 

"My dear Southey, — It is my duty to tell you that there 
is a bad feeling and very general discontent amongst the Boers 
inside respecting the Burgher Force Ordinance, and firebrands, to 
urge them on, are, I fear, not wanting. 

" Yours, etc., 

"J. O'Reilly." 

And now we shall refer to letters " writ in a more gentle 
vein." There is a charming note from John T. Bisset, 
afterwards General Bisset and Governor of Gibraltar, in 
which he says — 

" Private and Confidential. 

" King William's Town, 16tli April, 1848. 
•' My dear Southey, — Congratulate me, my dear friend, on 
being a happy man. To you I make this candid confession. On 
Thursday I rode to town and ofiFered my hand to a lady that has 
for some time possessed my heart. Do you say I have done right 
or wrong ? The lady of my choice is Miss Morgan. I remained 
in town for a ball on Friday. Ask Mrs. Southey's services for 
the purchase of various things in Cape Town. Two locks of hair 
are to be sent. Don't say anything of my engagement as yet. 
I must write Lady Smith a letter, and ask her to approve, 

" Yours ever faithfully, 

" John T. Bisset." 

An interesting and characteristic letter from Sir John 
Wylde, Chief Justice of the Cape Colony (brother of Lord 
Truro, Lord Chancellor of England) — 

" Supreme Court Chambers, Thursday, 24th August, 1848. 
"My dear Sir, — I beg heartily to thank you for the kind 
thought of me in the now two communications I have been 
favoured with at your hands ; for a journey such as your late 
one, in such weather and over such a country, is a trial of the 
constitution and its strength, and the delay, with all its hazards, 
which might have been thus occasioned was of serious import. 
Arrival and presence at your present post will, perhaps, have 


lightened rather than aggravated the pressure of solicitude on 
your own part. Uncertainty as to the state of things no longer 
spreads its misty, superstitious influence around you, and you 
have in decisive view the conflict to be encountered and provided 
against, and for such resistance as may be prepared for the 
approaching collision ; nay, perhaps, before this may reach you, 
already in occurrence. Yet I can scarcely persuade myself that 
they will await it at the river — the hazard of retreat will place 
them in such jeopardy if the attempt be strong as to numbers ; 
and if otherwise, it must prove futile, and only serve as a demon- 
stration of determined hostility, and more, perhaps, for its effect 
on the resident Boers (as to compulsory union with the rebels) 
than upon Her jMajesty's force in array against them. I rejoice 
to hear of our excellent Governor's health. I long to write to 
him under the feelings I entertain towards him, but will not 
indulge them when, in their personal nature only, they might be 
deemed too iDsignifi^cant to be intruded upon him at such a time 
and crisis. No one, I hope, more fervently or sincerely can join 
in the frequent prayer to Heaven for the continued preservation 
of him from all harm and mishap. The thought will sometimes 
annoy me lest any one or more foolhardy rebel Boers might, in 
ambuscade, aim at his life from the distance their " roers " carry, 
though certain in the act to lose their own lives, perhaps on the 
spot. No " Hintza " horse, I hope, will force the General on 
beyond the advance which may leave secure all that belongs to, 
and can be found in, the peculiar energy, foresight, and experi- 
ence of the hero of so many battles. One cannot for a moment 
contemplate the loss of his services in this public emergency 
without trembling from head to foot at the disastrous consequence 
to public interests, and because of the intense grief of any casualty 
befalling such a friend and real Christian. IMay God Almighty 
avert all evil from one who risks his all in life for the peace and 
welfare of those committed to his care and protection ! Let me 
whisper, too, that secretaries are to keep their places, and not 
mistake guns for quills. You are not now a Southey for the 
field, but for the Cabinet, and do not be mistaking your place, 
I pray you. You will see in the newspapers what a proclama- 
tion they have fathered upon Pretorius as to, and for, the 
apprehension of Sir Harry. It must be a hoax. 

" Yours very truly, 

" Jno. Wylde." 


Captain Holdicli says, in a letter dated Government 
House, 9tli November, 1848 — 

"My dear Southey, — You have been so successful in your 
expedition that frontier news is now little sought for, and people 
only wonder how you contrived to squeeze so much out of the 
Boers. Separate Government agitation is divided, and each 
member seems ever to hold a different opinion. The Council has 
been opened by one of Sir Harry's best speeches — all admire it. 
Did you see Hendrik's speech ? He astonished all, and made a 
most capital address. There have been several arrivals lately from 
England. Ireland gradually subsiding, and the army there 
being broken up, but they are going to send the rebels to the 
Cape of Good Hope. What think you of that 1 On your return, 
perhaps, you may have the pleasure of meeting Smith O'Brien or 
some other notedfrebeller from Ireland. We have hitherto been 
full of company at Westbrook. The Menzies are now staying, 
and the Judge obliged to be at breakfast at half-past 8 o'clock, 
at which he has hitherto been tolerably punctual. The Admiral 
expects his relief every day. I cannot think of any important 
news to tell you. 

" Believe me, sincerely yours, 


Another member of the staff writes — 

" Capetown, 23rd November. 

" His Excellency made me remark (in official letter about 
forage to a Civil Commissioner) his Secretary to High '^Com- 
missioner could be of little use unless mounted. He goes on 
to say, ' I congratulate you, with all my heart, on having so 
well finished your task with flying colours, and are anchored 
safely amongst your family. You will have heard of Somerset, 
Cloete, and Mackinnon being appointed C.B.'s for the Kafir 
war — unjust to Somerset, height of luck to Mackinnon.' 

" No news here. I dare say Westbrook party give you all 
the news of their quarters. Governor, her Ladyship, Garvock, 
and Holdich going to Mosterd's Hock next week. Mrs. Meynell 
is much obliged for your kind inquiries after her and the baby, 
but she is improved vastly. 

" Yours, etc. 

" H. N. Macdonnell." 


The following letters are selected for publication. From 
the gossiping epistle indited by Sir Harry Smith's nephew 
it has been necessary to omit a considerable portion. 

" Bloem Spruit, Vaal River District, January, 1849. 
"My dear Sir, — I have just been gratified with a large 
post, enclosing a letter from you. The communication for 
Potgieter shall be forwarded without delay. Government has 
certainly made a very great concession to the feelings of the 
disalTected Boers ; how it may act I cannot surmise, though 
I am inclined to fear they will abuse the privilege. They have 
already begun their tricks among the westward Aborigines, and 
from what Dr. Robertson told me, and what I have since heard 
from some Natal traders, they have interfered with the missionary 
operations among the Bechuanas, by expelling Dr. Livingstone 
from his sphere of labour, and by this post I have a letter from 
my mother, thus worded : ' We hear nothing from the interior ; 
we fear some mistake has occurred. Livingstone let Griquas 
pass without writing. The Rev. Mr. Inglis's waggon has been 
here a fortnight, by which we learn that five waggon-loads of 
Boers, wives, and children had been sent thither. They came 
to Mr. Inglis and asked him for farms; he told them they were 
not his to give, they must go to the Chief ; they did not choose 
to do this, but set themselves down. We cannot but have 
gloomy forebodings, and stand prepared for the disappointment 
of our hopes and frustration of plans for the evangelization of 
the heathen in those regions ; but for our comfort as missionaries 
we remember that " The Lord reigns." It remains a mystery 
why those Boers were allowed to get possession of the interior, 
and seems now more than ever likely to impede the progress of 
the gospel. The Boers are instilling into the minds of the 
natives jealous notions against the English Government. They 
came one Sabbath day to request of Gasiboni, a chief, to join 
the commando ; and this, after much persuasion, he told them 
that he could not do it without seeking advice of their missionary. 
On hearing this the Boers rode ofi". The Bechuanas to the east 
are getting jealous of the English. The Boers and disaffected 
Griquas put these notions into their heads. We saw a letter 
from a Boer Field Cornet to Gasiboni, trying to get him on their 
side (date 25th November). I hear nothing from Livingstone 


or my father on these matters, but I have not a little information 
from traders and others. The Hollander, they say, is the great 
cause of this working against Missions. I wish His Excellency 
would appoint a Commission to inquire into these matters, and 
to define a boundary between whites and blacks. The Boers 
are meditating a great commando against the N. Western tribes 
in the course of 6 months or so — of this all traders assure me.' 

" My mother informs me in a previous letter that Gumming 
(hunter) has been killed by the natives, but she believes others 
have done it, as reports were abounding that they were chasing 
him. One trader tells me that he is almost confident that the 
Boers are the perpetrators of the foul deed. What next may 
we not expect ? I once showed His Excellency documents show- 
ing the seeds of all these evils, but he accounted my representa- 
tions as ' missionary blarney.' I feel rather disposed to try what 
the public may think of the matter, but I shall first wait to see 
the turn of matters. As a private individual, I am acting on 
the ' broad principles,' which His Excellency, as an experienced 
Governor, recommended to me — 'not of acting wholly on the 
side of the blacks, but impartially seeking the happiness of 
every man, white or coloured, as man.' I have done all I can 
to show to the Boers my interest in their welfare, and I am told 
by a trader named H. Seetsman that they all speak of me with 
aflfection and respect — a thing at which I am astonished, as I 
have shown them that I respect the black man as well as the 
white in our interview with some Maccatees scattered here. 
But born, as I was, among those Bechuanas north of the Vaal, 
I will not sit still to see them extirpated by a parcel of dis 
afiiected men. If my lot is for a time to be cast amongst these 
Boers, they shall gain by it, for having friends in Holland, as 
far as a church is concerned, I could get not a few subscriptions ; 
and with regard to schools, I am prepared to enter into a 
negotiation with the British and Foreign School Society on the 
subject (among its supporters I have many friends), for I am 
convinced that all the Boers want is a church, education, a 
market, and public news of the Colony, and their minds kept 
in a state of activity on all matters. 

" Should a Commission ever be appointed to adjust the lands 
between the trekking Boers and the Aborigines, Kruger would, 
from all I hear of him, be of some influence as one of the members. 


It would be a pity to put any missionary on it. I am prepared 
to recommend a translator in Bechuana. Unless such a Com- 
mission is formed, there will be no peace. Potgieter has burnt 
his hundreds in a cave (Boers tell me this, so it cannot be 
' blarney ') ; and Commandant Engel and his followers, all dis- 
ciples of the monster Potgieter, have murdered their thousands. 
Moshesh, Morroko, etc., live in the mountains within the Colony ; 
but over this district are scattered many Bechuanas (called 
Maccatees), but who are Bakhatlas, who are the remnants of 
tribes wholly or half extirpated at the Mongua. They are afraid 
to return, and, of course, as afraid to go under Moshesh. I 
wrote Major Warden about them, as the Boers are complaining 
of trespass. He answers : ' The small kraals to which you 
allude will be found, no doubt, inconvenient to the farmers, 
and something must be done ere long to get rid of such ; but 
until other lands could be found to locate those Kafirs upon 
they cannot be removed.' Their removal could be arranged as 
one of the duties of such a Commission ; otherwise I do not 
know what Major Warden, kind and impartial as he is, can 
contrive for them. 

" Excuse my enlarging on other matters, but I hope the 
nature of them will be a sufficient apology for their mention. 
I am not writing officially, but privately. We have finished 
110 farms, to the satisfaction of every man; and now that we 
are about to go another round, we hear that it will be of no 
use, as the people are trekking. I am told that there are many 
people in these districts, Winburg Vaal River, who are only 
waiting to get their land certificates in order to trek. You 
will ask what is the cause of this? Bester, who is naturally 
chagrined at not receiving posts and courants, and every now 
and then threatening to give up his situation, says it is because 
Government will not send him any news. A host of abominable 
lies are in circulation that ' all Boers are to serve on land and 
sea as soldiers ; that Sir Harry is coming up with 3000 troops ; ' 
and what's more, Mr. Young, a Natal trader just passed, says 
that they are actually telling at Mooi River that Sir Harry 
has cut his throat. They are most credulous, John Dreyer, 
who is trekking (not the Veld Kornet), says that one reason for 
trekking is that the Governor is dead. All, of course, flock to 
Bester to ask him. He and I do all we can to show that these 


are lies, but all is vain. One says Biddulph got a note, another 
that a man from Modder River says so, and so on. Bester asks 
what can he do f He says that it is not his intention to put up 
with it any longer. Tf you want him to act, send him courants. 

" I have here told you public feeling, and all I can say is, it is 
so. That many will trek, I am confident. To prevent this, I beg to 
say, plainly and boldly, an experienced Magistrate from the Cape 
must be sent here — a man knowing the Dutch well, and an 
Africander inspirit — a Dorp instantly planned, etc. At present 
the Landdrost lies in a ' Rondavel ' of reeds and mud. He is 
ever and anon grumbling about salary — about the Governor 
pressing him 'to take the office, and see how he serves him.' This 
is the everyday song. Even though you may have no canteen 
here, there will always be a whisky-bottle under the desk — or 
broeders niefs and ooms — now and then partaking till the crown 
becomes a little heated ; and then the Africander's songs will 
sound through the regterhiiis, and thoughts of independence, etc., 
arise. But let them have a Magistrate who can read the law of 
the land, and can humour the Boers, now and then giving them 
a vrolykheid, and gain their respect — this done, he can effect a 
lasting submission to the Colonial Government. 

" I hear some talk of this district being patched on to 
Winburg. There Biddulph is not popular, and never will be as 
long as he keeps a concubine. I hear some of his Dorp people 
are about to leave — he is so independent, and ' permantig ' in 
his doings — so you will imagine the evils which will result 
from this being joined to that district. But I cannot credit it. 
This disti'ict can, if matters are arranged properly, support a 
Magistrate, church, and schools. True, there are only about 
150 families in it, but there are also 150 other cultivated farms, 
whose owners have trekked — for some of these there are appli- 
cants- — and there is room for 700 new farms, I feel confident, 
from the size of the district, etc. All the Boers tell me that this 
district can well contain 1000 farms, which would soon get 
tenants if there were a Dorp and a market. 

" I enclose a sketch of the district, which will show you a 
new locality where the people are anxious to make a Dorp 
instead of at Marmwek's (and besides, he talks of mounting in 
his price). I have made all the inquiries I can about the good 
site. The people of the tribe Bergen say that even were that 


place Marmwek's to become a Dorp, they would never frequent 
it, but go to Pietermaritzburg as a market. For the sake of the 
community this would be undesirable. 

' ' They are all anxious, and very so, to have a Dorp established 
at Eland's River, where the great road intersects it. This place 
was intended by the Boers for a Dorp originally, and it has every 
appearance of being almost as good as what I hear of Mooi River, 
which they say it is very much like as to water. You will know 
it, I think, on the great road from Winburg to Pietermaritzburg. 
All say that it is sure to become a Stadt, and that 200 water 
erven are easily laid down. Even traders are pleased at the 
prospect, on account of its grand central position. It lies in the 
north-western loop of the Drakensbergen, and is 29 hours (160 
miles) north-west of Pietermaritzburg ; and north from the site 
to Potchefstroom is again 29 hours, and from the site to Winburg 
20 hours (110 miles). Marmwek's the same distance, where a 
Dorp could well eventually be laid. Mr. Young, of Natal, says 
that traders and others in that district will, without hesitation, 
buy some 100 or 150 erven. You are aware of the badness of 
the road from Pietermaritzburg over the Drakensbergen. 

" When farmers know that a colony is established at Eland's 
River they will readily avoid that distance ; and I think such a 
Dorp, such a ' Middlepunt ' promises to become a large one, as, 
of course, Winburg (and Mooi River) and this district will be 
dependent on it. Such an establishment will also have the effect 
of dissuading many from trekking further, and tempt many to 
return. Many traders tell me that there are not a few beyond 
the Yaal desirous of returning, only they say the " oath " is their 
objection, otherwise they will willingly pay the tribute. The 
only objection to the locality of the new site is, that it is 45 hours 
from the other extreme end of the district ; but even these 
farmers say that the value of that central position as a good 
market is a sufficient palliate of any discontent that might arise 
on that point. The site will be also good for the arrangement of 
a post ; horses do not trek there (Liebenberg's Vley is 4 hours 
from it towards Winburg). The people Vfill not hear of Mar- 
ninsks now. If you should approve of it, and like to submit it 
CO His Excellency's will, the work of the Commission will be done 
here in about a month, and it would not be an unfavourable 
opportunity for me to lay it out. I am only waiting orders for 


that. A good name would, I think, be ' Elandstroom,' but of 
course you will appoint one. Bester says he mentioned the 
subject of a Dorp to Sir Harry Smith. I did to Major Warden, 
but he speaks nothing of it. I wrote officially to him on the 
point, but as you had taken in hand the subject of a Dorp, I 
thought it as well to let you make your own subsequent inquiries. 
I thank you for the promise you gave me of being allowed to 
come to Cape Town in June. I hope His Excellency will permit 
it. All desire their kindest regards and compliments to Mrs. 
Sou they. 

'* I remain, yours respectfully, 

" Robert Moffatt, Jnr. 

" You will excuse me as Surveyor, perhaps, writing on matters 
not concerning my situation, but there is no- one else here to watch 
the interests of the Colony, and there ought to be." 

"January 13th. 
" Bester, on coming home yesterday, and finding not one 
letter or courant for him (though I showed him your note and 
Major Warden's to the Commission), was so enraged that he 
several times threatened to trek to his farm up Sand River, and 
even not to forward Potgieter's letter, so you may imagine his 
feelings. He went yesterday to Van Vuurens, for what object 
I don't know, but he took care not to tell me. He returned 
with a host of new lying reports in his pockets. I learn that 
when done here I shall have to go to Winburg. What may go 
on socially here unwatched I do not know (this is, of course, 
private). I think courants * would put things all to rights." 

The interesting letter from the Eev. John Ayliff, Wesleyan 
Missionary, snbjoined, is dated " Lesseyton-under-the-Hangiip, 
Tambookieland, 7th June, 1849." 

He speaks of his son William (afterwards Hon. William 
Ayliff) being "on the point of taking Godlonton's step- 
daughter to wife," and of his eligibility for the situation of 
Superintendent of Natives, and then goes on to say — 

" I will make a few remarks on the present state of this and 
the lower frontier (I mean the Tambookie frontier), and that of 

* Newspapers. 


the Gaika and Slambi Kafirs. In a word, I must say that the 
present season is of unknown tranquillity, such as we have not 
known since the close of 1836. We had 10 years of great 
distress and commotion from constant murder and ^lunder.^' 

He proceeds to say that " Hintza's tribe wants to get out 
of the reach of British justice." 

" The present plan of making the natives of the Colony pay 
an annual rent is most Judicious. Eight years ago I commenced 
it on the Herslof Hill Station. I find the people in Fort Beaufort 
quite willing and able to pay. It is perfectly absurd that Her- 
manus should have an exemption. My opinion is that if a 
native cannot pay his rent, he has no business anywhere but in 

" Since I have been here I have heard that the Fingoes carry 
on a regular trade with the distant parts of Kafiraria via Tam- 
bookieland. I heard to-day that yesterday only three Fingoes 
were offering gunpowder for sale amongst the Tambookies." 

One of the members of the Land Commission (Mr. Vowe) 
writes from — 

" Smithfield, 3rd July, 1849. 
"I suspect the natives have European advisers, as they are 
most troublesome in the vicinity of Beersheba and the centre of 
the district, and I should not be surprised that Rolland and our 
friend Hoffbaan are much to blame in endeavouring to incite the 
natives against the British Government, and if what I have heard 
could be proved I suspect Mr. R. would get into a serious scrape. 
Mr. Rolland claimed Davy's farm as his private property on the 
grounds that Davy was placed there by him in 1837 as his 
servant, and had been in his service ever since, v/hich Mr. R. 
failed to prove. I consider this case a most disgraceful one on 
the part of Mr. Rolland, and the Commission decided the case in 
favour of Davy ; since which, you will see that the natives at 
Beersheba have ordered Davy to appear before them for selling 
the farm, stating that the farm belongs to Mr. Rolland, and 
Davy had no right to sell it. I suspect that Mr. Rolland is at 
the bottom of this." 


" Private. 

" Pietermaritzburg, 2iid October, 1849. 

" My dear Southet, — Since the unfortunate death of poor 
Mr. West we have had meetings and memorials without end ; 
indeed, the people seem to have adopted the idea that the manu- 
facturing of a ruler was entirely in their hands, so much so that 
all our feelings of ambition have been aroused, and there are 
candidates for the Lieutenant-Governorship without end. I am, 
however, one of those who believe more or less in the decrees of 
fate in such matters, and have not distressed myself about it 
except to think that I, even I, might make as good a Lieutenant- 
Governor as some who are really trying hard for it ; but, joking 
apart, the excitement raised by these proceedings has been very 
unfortunate, and been a cause of much bad blood, 

" I have been most distressed to hear of poor Harry's * 
illness, aggravated as it must have been very much by that 
rascally Convict Question. Of all questions that have agitated 
people in the Colony, always excepting Godlonton's stereotyped 
articles about the war of 1835, I am most tired of this one. 
There is nothing in the papers from beginning to end but about 
convicts, and the subject at best is a very disgusting one 

"I have been engaged turning natives out of the Klip River 
Division, and was obliged at last to use force, and did the 
business thoroughly while I was about it. It has taken me 
five weeks, and I am happy to say only five men lost their lives 
— not one on my side. Most of the Dutch Boers are leaving 
the lower part of Natal, and I think that the result will be that 
the Klip River Division only will be occupied by Dutch. That 
is their favourite part of the country ; it suits their habits and 
tastes. There they would be together at least for some years to 
come, after which the great boundary between the English and 
the Dutch will be the Drakensbergen. 

" Pray tell me what your anti-convict people are aiming at. 
We, at a distance, look at their proceedings with astonishment, 
and view it to be very dijBferent from their professions. What, 
for instance, has Mr. Cock's, or any one else's seat in the Cape 
Town Council got to do with the convict question? I look 
upon little Cock as a trump, and hope Her Majesty will make 

* Sir Harry Smith. 


a Baronet of him for his pluck, and of me for proposing it to 
you ; but seriously, ought they not to assume the title of Anti- 
Government instead of what they have? for you may depend 
upon it, even if it is not their object to subvert the Government, 
it is the end of the path they are travelling, 
" Your ever faithful friend, 

"SoMTSEu" (Thegphilus Shepstone). 

" Westbrooke, 12th October. 
" My dear Southey, — A little of the scandal of Cape Town 
would probably not be disagreeable during your reign of Governor 
to con over after the arduous duties of the day. 

* # * * * 

" Bouchier has arrived, and Miss Pillans is charming. Of 
course, the day is not yet fixed. Just fancy, my dear Southey, 
here I have been ever since you left, the only gentleman in 
the house, amongst four, five, and sometimes six ladies. Mrs. 
Sutherland, Hall's intended, is rather good-looking — looks whole- 
some. Her father was a West Indian planter, and her late 
husband a West Indian merchant. Old Hall is no fool. We 
have great fun joking her about ' dear John,' as Mrs. Anson 
calls him ; she is such a nice thing, and as lively as a trout. 
You will, perhaps, be surprised to hear that Miss Rivers and 
myself ride out together alone. We ride out nearly every day, 
and sometimes pay visits — or, as Miss Rivers terms it in Dutch, 
' Huvelyk bekant maak.' Can you understand it ? Yesterday 
Cloete (the Colonel) had a letter from George Napier, saying 
that they were all to be rewarded for the Cafii-e business. Cloete 
is in great feather in consequence. The Tudor has arrived. 
The Turners are going at last. Poor Bower will be left alone ; 
they were thicker than thieves. You must not forget us all 
down here. 

" Yours faithfully, 
"H. S. Smith" 

(Sir Harry Smith's nephew). 

To those interested in the country beyond the Orange 
Elver, the following letter will appeal : — 


'■ Bloemfontein, 9tli July, 1849. 
" My dear kSoutheYj — 

*!* *!* 'If * V 

" Bloemfontein is growing fast into a town, and will be a 
very pretty place, and the country is improving. Boers have 
trekked away from this part of the world since you were here ; 
but others, or English, are taking their place. We had a patrol 
to Sikongela's country the other day, which, I fear, was not 
very effectual for the object intended. It is now said that the 
Basutos are preparing for war ; but I cannot but think that 
Moshesh has still power enough over his sons and people to 
prevent the occurrence of such a calamity. I should regret such 
a thing much, chiefly because it would so immensely injure the 
prosperity of the Sovereignty, in which I take a lively interest, 
but also because it would effectually ruin Moshesh, for whom I 
have always had a warm regard. I fear his sons are too much 
for him, and may drive him to extremities to which he himself 
would never resort. 


" Warden has given Moroko one hundred square miles of 
country more than your boundary gave him, so you may guess how 
I fared in that quarter. I hear Bingham is sending a Memorial 
on the subject by this post. Stuart has been my guest since 
his arrival. He seems a thorough man of business — active, 
strictly just, and determined. When he becomes a little better 
acquainted with the language and people, he will, I think, be 
highly useful in giving form to the sort of chaos that is only 
now beginning to disappear. I am sorry to remark that Warden 
does not seem to treat him with that confidence which, I think, 
he deserves, and which is highly necessary between public men. 
You must remember the feeling Warden had towards yourself — 
this he seems to have transferred to Stuart. I dare say he does 
not like to see business done in a way he has not been accus- 
tomed to, as well, perhaps, as that matters which he formerly 
exercised authority over are now in the hands of another, 
though this transfer only makes his position the higher. I 
do not think Warden, on the whole, likes his position, as busi- 
ness now begins to be felt a little heavy by him. As I have 
often told him, ' the palmy days of the Residency are gone,' and 


I should not at all be surprised to see him resign some fine day. 
I know he would be much happier in retirement. 

» * * * * 

" Faithfully yours, 

"A. J. Fraser." 

We have now arrived at a period in Mr. Southey's 
biography when we must refer to Mr. John Montagu, one 
of the most distinguished men ever connected with British 
civil administration in Southern Africa. Descended from 
a noble family, and the son of Lieut.-Colonel Montagu of 
the Eoyal Artillery, who was killed at the siege of Seringa- 
patam, young Montagu may be said to have been born in 
the purple, and to have had all the advantages of education 
and of patronage at his disposal. He soon proved himself 
to be worthy of confidence, first in the Army, and subse- 
quently as Colonial Secretary in Van Diem en's Land. There 
a dispute with Governor Sir John Franklin resulted in his 
arrival in England early in 1842, and his acceptance shortly 
afterwards of the Secretaryship to the Government at the 
Caj)e of Good Hope. Here he instituted a new system of 
finance, showed the urgent necessity of immigration, ably 
co-operated with the British general in the war of 1846-47, 
reformed the convict department, and was the means of 
creating excellent roads over the Cape flats, and over almost 
inaccessible mountain passes. Dean Newman, his biographer, 
tells us that the two great points of John Montagu's system 
were practical usefulness and moral improvement. In the 
frequent and long-continued absence of military governors 
on the frontier, Mr. Montagu ably controlled the civil 
administration ; and this fact must be remembered in con- 
nection with the subsequent suspension of Mr. Southey for 
carrying out his instructions.* 

In the mean time we must advert to the Anti-Convict 

* For full details of the life of John Montagu an excellent biography 
can be consulted, " Memoir of John Montagu," by W. A. Newman, M.A. 
London, 1855. 


Agitation, where no doubt Mr. Southey acted more as an 
adviser than as a partisan. Sir Harry Smith had not long 
returned from the Orange Eiver Sovereignty, when a despatch 
was received from the Secretary of State dated 19 th March, 
1849, stating that " ticket-of-leave men" were to be sent 
out who were to be free to work on their own account, but 
must reside within prescribed districts. This was done 
under an Act of Parliament (5 Geo. IV.) empowering the 
Sovereign, with the advice of the Privy Council, to appoint 
any Colony for the reception of convicts sentenced to banish- 
ment beyond the seas. Both Sir Peregrine Maitland and 
Sir Harry Smith were in favour of advantageously employing 
convicts on public works, and the Colonial Minister, unfold- 
ing the plan of Her Majesty's Government, pointed out 
with what eagerness convicts on probation were engaged 
for service by resident proprietors at Port Philip in Australia, 
Indeed, it was as a favour that the Cape was included 
among the Colonies to which this class of people might 
be sent. 

It must, however, be admitted that the nature of the 
Colony, as well as the habits of the Colonists, rendered it 
an imfit country for the introduction of men versed in, and 
convicted of, felonious pursuits. Far separated homesteads, 
a sparse population, primitive habits, half-civilized coloured 
people, seemed, as it were, to open doors of opportunity. An 
instantaneous panic was the result. Dean Newman tells 
us that the Colony, quiet and unruffled as its own Table 
Bay in a summer calm, immediately on the spreading of a 
rumour that it was even thought of as a penal settlement, 
became like that same bay when a strong and sudden south- 
east wind swept down upon it. Committees of Vigilance 
and Defence were speedily formed. Petitions, memorials, 
and private representations poured in. Eesolutions were 
carried at public meetings and at synods of religious bodies, 
while strong adverse opinions, expressed not only in Cape 
Town, but in various towns within the Colony, were forwarded 


to the Home Government through Sir Harry Smith the 

The dreaded Neptune, with the dreaded ticket-of-leave 
men, arrived in Simonstown on 19th September, 1849. 
So great had been the pressure brought to bear upon 
the Governor, that His Excellency refused to accept 
the consignment of the vessel, and directed that the 
entire charge of the ship should devolve on the Naval 

The Executive Council approved of Sir Harry Smith's 
measures, and agreed with him in thinking that to dismiss 
the Neptune, or change her destination, was beyond the 
limits of his authority. 

The most extreme measures had been taken by the 
Anti- Convict Association, but as His Excellency gave a 
pledge that he would resign his office rather than assist 
in carrying out any designs for landing the convicts, a great 
disposition was shown to withdraw the interdict against 
supplying the Navy with provisions. Hitherto the Dutch 
and British Colonists had acted together, but now a breach 
took place between them — the former even caused operations 
to be extended by including not only the Navy but the 
whole body of the Executive and Judicial agents of the 
Government in their interdict. Feeling ran exceedingly 
high, and, considering that the Home Government meant 
well, and that the Governor was doing all in his power to 
prevent convicts being landed, it is difficult to excuse the 
extreme ferocity which characterized the latter stages of the 
movement. Although Mr. Montagu held from the first that 
the Colony was not adapted for the reception of ticket-of- 
leave convicts, he considered that the 300 convicts should 
have been landed and placed in the Amsterdam Battery 
until the decision of the Imperial Government could be 
received. These were the days of loyalty and of implicit 
obedience. On the occasion of replying to one Anti-Convict 
deputation, Sir Harry Smith said — 


" This is the anniversary of the battle of Waterloo, For 
four-and-forty years I have served my Sovereign. I say it with 
pride ; and I would rather that God Almighty should strike me 
dead than disobey the orders of Her Majesty's Government, and 
thereby commit an act of open rebellion," 

When the Secretary of State for the Colonies became 
acquainted with the subject, he changed the destination of 
the Neptune to Van Diemans Land (Tasmania), as might 
have been anticipated. He had been certainly under the 
impression that he was bestowing a favour, and when those 
upon whom he desired to confer a benefit declined to accept 
it, there was no attempt whatever made to press it upon 
them. Mr. Southey, of course, took no active part in the 
agitation, but there is little doubt that he sincerely 
sympathized with Sir Harry Smith, and assisted him with 
his advice. 

As illustrative of the politics of these days, and interest- 
ing in themselves, we publish the following extracts from 
letters written by Mr. Godlonton, Mr, Cock, and Mr. 
Ziervogel. The two former gentlemen were for many years 
Members of the Legislative Council of the Cape Colony, and 
the last-mentioned became a distinguished Member of the 
House of Assembly. The name of Mr, Godlonton is in- 
separably connected with that of the Grahamstown Journal 
and the Newspaper Press, while Mr, Cock was the first and 
greatest advocate of the claims of the Kowie Eiver mouth 
(Port Alfred) to be made one of the principal ports of South 

Mr, I. E. Ziervogel, writing to Mr. A, P. Eubidge 
(Graaffreinet, 23rd July, 1849)— 

"With regard to your animadversions upon the conduct of 
the Colonists generally, which you seem to construe as intended 
to be offensive to Sir Harry Smith personally, I must observe 
that they do not appear to be necessarily called for by, and can- 
not apply to, anything you heard from me ; they certainly are 


not called for by, and cannot apply to, the resignation of myself 
and the other Justices of the Peace with whom I joined in that 
act, as the letter containing our resignations, and of which I 
sent you a sketch, explicitly and simply states that we resign 
because we are sensible of the injury done to the Colony by its 
being made a penal settlement under the order of the Queen in 
Council, and feel that under the circumstances we can no longer 
hold the appointment with any satisfaction to ourselves or 
advantage to the public, without containing a single reflection 
upon Sir Harry Smith, even as Governor. 

" But in order that what I thus say may not be misunder- 
stood, I will add that, though in common with others I expected 
much good to result to the Colony from Sir Harry Smith's 
appointment as its Governor, and though few people can more 
heartily than myself have wished him well, I do not admit that 
the most grievous wrong which the Government can do to the 
Colony, if but done by or through his agency, is therefore not 
to be opposed or resisted, lest any act tending to evince such 
opposition or resistance should be held to be offensive to him 

" Grahamstown, 20th February, 1849. 
"My dear Southey, — 

" I am gratified that you saw my scribble to Sir Harry, 
to whom I wrote very frankly. And when I told him I 
was jealous of my own personal feelings when treating of his 
policy, I merely stated a fact which I had continually made 
abundantly manifest. As a sample in point, I enclose for 
your amusement a testy epistle from Rice Smith of Sidbury 
[telling him to stop his paper, as he was no admirer of Sir 
Harry Smith], who had a good deal of influence in that neigh- 
bourhood. But none of these things move me. In stating 
my sentiments I do not afiect disguise, and I would sooner 
find myself shorn of every means of support I possess than 
sacrifice to clamour one single iota of the conscientious con- 
victions of my own mind. 

"Yours, etc. 



" Grahamstown, 17th April, 1849. 

" My dear Southey, — I have your favour of the 11th instant, 
and in reply may remark that I have looked with considerable 
attention through the Masters and Servants Blue Book. My 
convictions do not accord with yours on the subject of vagrancy. 
I do not see any insuperable difficulty in the way of an enact- 
ment on the subject, and am persuaded it would be attended 
with infinite advantage to the whole Colony, and more especially 
to the coloured classes. At the same time I would not trust the 
Dutch, nor many of the English, further than one can see them. 
The evidence contained in the Blue Book in favour of a vagrant 
law is quite overwhelming. 

" We had a meeting yesterday in the Court House on the 
subject of the expected exiles. There was a good attendance ; 
and among others Advocates Ebden and Watermeyer, and some 
other visitors from Cape Town, The meeting was unanimous, 
and the resolutions, out of which I knocked two or three strong 
adjectives, go down to Sir Harry to-day. I was entrusted with 
the second resolution, the most pithy of the lot, and had to 
abuse Lord Grey to the best of my poor ability, which was, of 
course, received ' with the greatest applause.' Cock would not 
come forward at first, screening himself behind his Legislator's 
mantle ; but at length he got ' wrathy,' and fired away with the 
best of us. 

" In Compensation Claims (for losses in war) Committee I 
may assure you I do not spare myself. The worst of it is the 
confinement almost knocks me up. I rise at daylight, write till 
breakfast, attend the market ; from there to my office, scribble 
for an hour for the journal ; then to the Board, where I sit, with- 
out moving from my chair, for six hours ; home to dinner ; back 
to my office, and write tUl ten. This routine, day after day and 
week after week, gets tiresome, and afiects the health and spirits 
materially. We are obliged to discontinue our sittings for the 
preseat on account of the Circuit Court, but shall resume directly 
the Judge takes his departure. 


" Grahamstown, 10th July, 1849. 
" My dear Southey, — I quite agree in your remarks about 
Sir Harry, and cannot help thinking that the Cape Town people 



have taken leave of their senses. The people here are mad 
enough, but not quite so frenzied as the Capeites. I enclose 
you a couple of ' Supplements,' by which you will see that the 
Governor was treated more fairly here than by the people of 
your city. I had not designed to take any part in the proceed- 
ngs, but I was moved from my purpose when I found that 
Jarvis referred to Sir Harry, and I at once seconded him by 
stating my own convictions on the subject. This and my 
publication of Porter's speech has given a turn to public opinion 
here ; even old James Temlett, a bit of a Eadical, but an 
independent man, telling me after the meeting, * Well, you 
know, I was never a great admirer of Sir Harry — I never liked 
his noise and nonsense ; but he never stood so high in my 
estimation as he does at this moment. I think his conduct in 
this Convict business has been most straightforward and honour- 
able.' I quote this because it is the opinion of a man of plain 
manners, and who is held in repute for his general good sense 
and strong natural understanding. Mr. Clough, whose name 
you will see in the proceedings, and who is a man of similar 
character, holds the same opinion on the subject. 

" Blaine, Franklin, and others, wished to push the matter 
against Sir Harry ; but they found it would not do, and pre- 
served silence on the subject. You will, I think, be amused 
by the attack on me, I rather shook the nerves of my assailant, 
and trampled out his opposition in a moment. In my report I 
have treated the subject softly, as it was not an object with us 
to keep up any acerbity of feeling, and especially as, after the 
meeting, the party came to me and apologized for his foolish 
conduct. I must look into the matter of the discretion exercised 
by Governors Fitzroy and Dennison. I do not think the case 
of Sir Harry at all analogous to theirs. 

" I did not tell you, I think, that I received a week or two 
ago a letter from our good old Governor, Sir Benjamin D'Urban, 
dated from Lower Canada, 20th February, in which he pro- 
nounces Stockenstrom's attack upon him ' Calumnies alike un- 
founded and malignant.' I transcribe a part of the letter, as 
I think that it will gratify you, and especially as any thanks 
given to me are in part your own. It is as follows : — 

" ' You are, I trust, convinced how deeply I must feel obliged 
to you for the disinterested and powerful defence which you 


have made for me in my absence against calumnies as unfounded 
as malignant, which, although I could fain flatter myself they 
could have made no impression upon those to whom I was 
known publicly or privately, in South Africa might have carried 
perhaps the opinions of those who knew me not. If I have been 
delivered from this misfortune, I owe it to your gratuitous 
protection, which, when I read the conclusive and unanswered 
exposition in your supplement of 19th August last, I cannot 
doubt will have amply succeeded in its generous purpose, and 
which, be well assured, I can never cease to bear in mind and 
be grateful for. — Yours, etc., B. D'Urbax.' 


" Grahamstown, 21st July, 1849. 

" My dear Socthey, — 

* * » * * 

"Yours of the 16th has reached me safely, but your en- 
closure I thought best to reserve for future use, as also the one 
per previous post. I have also seen a letter of Cock's to his son, 
and am glad to find that he maintains his position firmly. For 
myself, I cannot sufficiently explain to you my own indignation 
at the disgraceful proceedings in Cape Town, and would not give 
them countenance even to save my existence. I have thrown 
together a few hasty remarks, which you will find in my post- 
script of to-day's Journal, and which give my views pretty 
distinctly upon the entire question. Give my most respectful 
compliments to Sir Harry, with my assurance that no power 
on earth shall induce me to view his conduct save in what I 
consider to be the full light of truth and honesty. Of course, 
I expect to come in for a share of abuse, and to be subjected to 
loss and inconvenience ; but this consideration does not move 
me, so long as I am sustained by a conviction of right and a 
sense of having dischai'ged my duty fearlessly and independently. 


" Grahamstown, 2l8t September, 1849. 
"My deak Sir, — 

"I am glad to learn that Mr. Porter is interesting himself 
respecting the land for compensation to the sufterers by the 
late Kafir Wars. I trust the Board will be able to make its 


Report shortly. The business of the Board has fallen very 
heavily on Godlonton and myself, I am most anxious that the 
spirit of His Excellency's minute on compensation should be 
carried out, I am well assured that there are those who would 
be glad to have an opportunity to say that His Excellency was 
not sincere in the sentiments expressed in the minute. That 
the Stockenstrom party will do all the mischief they can I 
have not the least doubt, but they are neither numerous nor 
influential. The address to the Governor will be numerously 
signed ; there is not one farmer in fifty on the frontier but is a 
strenuous advocate of the Governor's measures. Stockenstrom 
appears to have availed himself of the excitement arising out of 
the Convict question to serve his malignant feelings. But it will 
not do here ; the people know better ; experience tells them that it 
is for their interests that the present system should be persevered 
in. With a continuance of the present tranquility as regards 
Kafirs and a port on our coast, then Albany will go ahead in a 
manner which will astonish the other end of the Colony. We 
have an extensive field for enterprise, and men hold and persevering 
for opening up the resources of the country. Let this end of the 
country but obtain its fair proportion of aid from the local 
Government, and it must and will prosper (not that I am judging 
from the past, or sanguine on this point). I am persuaded that, 
had there been an independent Lieut. -Governor on this frontier — 
a man interested in the prosperity of the country — matters would 
be very difierent with us, I believe Sir H. Smith entertains 
the best feelings towards the frontier inhabitants, and would 
rejoice in their prosperity ; but I, at the same time, think that 
if his residence were on the Frontier, he would be the more 
frequently reminded of our wants, and stimulated to do more 
for us than he will do residing at a distance of 600 miles. 
The interest of this Frontier has been without doubt seriously 
neglected. Everything has been done for the other end of the 
Colony. ' Hope deferred maketh a man sick.' Nearly thirty 
years have passed away since the settlement was first formed — 
towns and villages have sprung up as if by magic. When does 
the Governor propose to visit Grahamstown ? Has any arrange- 
ment been made for Selwyn Castle 1 

"Yours truly, 

"W. Cock." 


Mr. Bailey ou the convict question— Mr. Godlonton's letters — Sir H. Smith — 
Southey Civil Commissioner of Swellendam — The war of 1850-2. 

THOSE who know the position Mr. T. B. Bailey held in 
the Colony as a leading farmer and politician will see 
the desirability of inserting the following letter from him, 
dated, " The Oaks, December 11th, 1849." He says— 

" My dear Southey, — You say it is time for English gentle- 
men to come forward and put an end to the present agitation. 
You may rely upon it that such would quickly be the case if 
the agitation had been caused by any other business than the 
Convict question. From what I know of the Moderate party, 
I am convinced that they do abstain from open collision with 
the violents, lest they should by any possibility lead Lord Grey 
or the English people to suppose that there was any difference 
of opinion amongst the Colonists about the reception of the 
Convicts. Rather than tolerate a show of discussion on the vital 
point, we forbear from active measures against those whose 
proceedings we repudiate. Lord Grey is a man who would take 
any advantage of us, and he would be supported by many of the 
English Philanthropists, if it could be shown by any possibility 
that the Cape people were divided in opinion about the Convicts. 

"It seems clear enough that Messrs. Sutherland, Truter, 
Fairbairn & Co, are fully aware now of the absurdity of the 
pledge, according to their interpretation of it. They see it 
cannot be worked according to their ideas, and they find them- 
selves within the coils of the law. I heartily hope they will get 
a boa-constrictor squeeze, for they ai'e only working now for 
their own personal ambition, and for pecuniary considerations. 
The real object of Wicht, Truter & Co. is to promote Dutch 
ascendancy and accustom the Afrikander to public meetings, 


agitation, and political feuds. I should like to know what Sir 
Harry thinks now of a Bepresentative Assembly, and what kind 
of a thing it would be if established now. The same machinery 
which rules the acute Convict Association (so called) would 
ensure the return of nineteen Afrikanders and one Englishman, 
and what tvould he the result f 

" John Linde says that masses of his neighbours are on l)ad 
terms with him, and I know that Shaw and myself and all of us 
who did not take a share in the Caledon Meeting have been 
denounced as suspicious characters. 


"T. B. Bailey." 

The following letters are illustrative of contemporaneous 
history in the Cape Colony : — 

" Grahamstown, 9th October, 184:9. 
"My dear Southey, — I have yours of the 29th ult. and 3rd 
inst., and am rejoiced to find that matters have taken so favour- 
able a turn. You will see in the Journal a pithy letter on the 
subject of the last Cape Town 'Monster Meeting,' which I expect 
will cause a sensation among the Cape Town Ultras. I need not 
say who is the writer ; you will guess that at once by the style. 
I am prepared for lots of abuse. In the Journal (those just 
printed) there is a little obscurity in the paragraph towards the 
bottom of the column referring to Dr. Adamson. As it stands, 
many will understand it to affirm that Dr. Adamson said on the 
platform, ' There stands the traitor,' etc., referring to Fairbairn. 
This simply arises from the blunder of the compositor in trans- 
posing a parenthetical mark, which, the moment I discovered, I 
corrected, as you will see by the copy of the Journal I send you 
to-day. I transmit it lest Dr. A. should complain, and then, 
should you have opportunity, you can show that the obscurity 
has been cleared up. I look upon the secession of Rutherfoord 
as a great triumph, and cannot doubt his being followed by other 
honourable men, Norden may do very well, but you must take 
care to keep him in his place, and Sir Harry, above all things, 
must not have anything to do with him which he would not wish 
to have made public. Our Ultras here are coming down a pace, 
and even Birkenruth and Kif t are thawed, and recognize me with 
a sunny smile as usual. 


"I have seen a good deal of Sir John Wylde this Circuit, 
and showed him two of your late (not the latest one) letters, 
with which he was greatly amused. The Port Elizabeth people 
treated him like brutes, and deserve never to have a Judge go 
near them any more. The best way to punish them is to open 
the Kowie, and then make us a good straight road to Cradock. 

" I had two meetings with Mr. Montagu during his brief 
stay, both of which were very gratifying, though the latter one 
with the ' Board of Claims ' was not quite satisfactory. The 
first one was about the printing, and after a good deal of dis- 
cussion we came to the following understanding : M. is to 
transmit a letter to the Cape, requesting that, in reply to our 
letter, the following proposal shall be made : — 

"1. To allow £100 per annum for printing and advertise- 
ments, taking in the new districts of Albert and Victoria. 

" 2. The financial forms to be printed in and sent from Cape 

" 3. British Kaffrai-ia and the Sovereignty to advertise in the 
Journal, and to be paid for separately as heretofore. 

" I have engaged to agree to this proposal, and thus the other 
party have ' burnt their fingers ' in meddling with the matter at 
all. Nothing has been said to me, but Meurant called upon my 
nephew in the evening. He told him that I had accepted a 
proposal made by Mr. M. without reference to ' the Grensblad,' 
and he (Meurant) went off in great anger for the purpose of 
seeing Mr. M. The result I know not, nor have I made a single 
inquiry on the subject. I was exceedingly sorry to hear from 
M. that Sir Harry remains but very poorly. I should like to see 
him among us here. He is too much worried in Cape Town. 

" You mention the Cape Corps mess-house — and I think that 
at about the same expenditure of money as he would have to pay 
rent for a private house it might be made very comfortable. An 
extra room or two might be run up in the course of a fortnight, 
and furniture may be readily hired. I doubt not the change of 
air would be of immense service to him, but still more the absence 
of that excitement which must necessarily be occasioned by the 
state of afiairs in Cape Town. A ride into Kafirland would do 
Mm good, and I'm sure would be of great political advantage 
to us. 

" Montagu only stayed one day with us. He looked 


remarkably well, though I'm told he met with some rough treat- 
ment along the road — the parties telling him, not that they 
had any bad feeling towards him, but that they were disaffected 
towards the English Government, the very natural effect of the 
proceedings of the Cape Town Ultra Convictites. 

"Advocate Ebden was terribly chop-fallen while here. I gave 
him the cut direct — treated him as a stranger, and burked his 
name in my report of the cases. He is, I am told, dreadfully 

"I have nothing from your brother William, and conclude he 
is on his way from Natal. 

" Ever truly yours, 


lu another letter, in a postscript, Mr. G-odlonton says : 
" Kind regards to Cock, who must take over Bower Coates' 
motto, ' While I live I'll crow.' " 

In another letter he says that " He is delighted to hear 
Sir Harry is to take up his abode among us for a time." He 
goes on to remark, " After all, this frontier is the pivot upon 
which turns the future prosperity of South Africa." 

Pressure is evidently brought to bear on Mr. Advocate 
Ebden, as he writes — 

^^ Private and Gonfidential, 

" My dear SouTHEY, — They are beginning to bring the 
Inquisitorial power in force against me, and to try and turn me 
out of ' The Mutual ' for acting professionally. I am determined 
to die game, and to contest the battle. It occurs to me that the 
Grahamstown people can give great assistance, and if you could 
make my peace with the editor of The Grahamstown Journal the 
cause would gain strength. 

" Yours sincerely, 

"J. B. Ebden." 

The following long and interesting letters were written 
by Mr. Godlonton in the first session of his service as a 
member of the Legislative Council : — 


" Roescli's, Cape Town, 16th September, 1850. 

" My dear Southey, — I was accidentally pi-evented from 
writing you by last post. I had you on my list, but in the very 
midst of my scribl^le I got a note from Garvock to the effect 
that the Governor wished to see me. I hurried to Government 
House, where Sir Harry detained me for a couple of hours, by 
which I had barely time to post the letters I had previously 
written. You will have seen, ere this reaches you, our proceed- 
ings in Council, which are — or, at least, the preliminary portion 
of them, in which I am concerned — reported with tolerable 
accuracy in the papers, though not free from blunders. You 
may well suppose that my mere introduction — stranger as I am 
here — into Council would be a rather nervous affair, but to know 
that I had organized against me, on the very threshold, the joint 
opposition of the Baronet, Fairbairn, Brand, and Reitz, made it 
still more so. Add to this that I was labouring under a most 
distressing nervous bilious attack, occasioned by my sea voyage 
— everything appearing to be in motion, the very room in which 
I stood, and the desk at which I wrote, appearing, to my imagi- 
nation, to be rocking to and fro. However, I am glad to say 
that, amidst it all, I was enabled to retain my self-possession, 
and, from a feeling of conscientious rectitude,* so to defend 
myself and bafifle and defeat the object of those who attacked 

" I now begin to feel my feet. We have since had some very 
earnest and animated debates, and I now discover that I have 
not got amongst such monstrous giants as at a distance they 
appeared to be. The Attorney-General has throughout behaved 
nobly, ably, and generously. He has warmly defended the 
interests of the Eastern Province, and the people there owe him 
a debt of gratitude which I cannot express. Fairbairn is a 
perfect Jesuit in editorial garb. His speech, occupying a full hour, 
in favour of a non-property qualification for members of the 
Upper Chamber, was, in my opinion, destructive of all property 
and of all stability throughout the country, and I am quite sure 
that, had he carried his point, we should have been at the mercy 
of any designing demagogue who might have started as a political 

* Mr. Gofilonton was nickuamed "Moral Bob" by those who did not 
admire him. 


adventurer. Fortunately for the Colony, he was ably met by 
Porter and Montagu. The speech of the latter was a masterly 
exposition of the whole case, and a really affecting appeal to the 
public mind against the reception of such doctrines as those 
broached and supported by the speaker I have named, whose 
position, in my opinion, he demolished, and whose specious 
arguments he first held up to the light and then tore to very 

"The public mind got very excited on the subject, and at 
the close of the second day's debate was in a great ferment. A 
petition against Fairbairn's project was sent in, signed by about 
twenty of the larger property men in Cape Town, Dutch and 
English, and it was evident that ray ' contemporary ' had greatly 
damaged himself in public estimation. I had occasion to express 
my opinions several times in the course of the debate, and they 
seem to have given so much satisfaction that it may be doubted 
whether, in the event of another election just now, I should not 
command as many votes even in Cape Town as Fairbairn him- 
self ! Your friend Reitz is a mere tool in the hands of the crafty 
and unscrupulous trio. He has never given a single vote contrary 
to their views, and goes through thick and thin with them. 

"In spite of all this difference of opinion, I am gradually 
trampling down opposition and subduing bad feeling. My temper 
has been maintained unruffled, and even the Baronet, near whom 
I sit — only Reitz being between us — condescends to smile 
graciously upon me, and even to consult me upon points in which 
he is deficient of information. Brand and Reitz are very friendly, 
but Fairbairn still keeps aloof, and you may depend I shall not 
move a single step to one side or the other, either to court his 
smile, or acquire his good opinion. I am, however, more than 
ever con\dnced of the importance of the Eastern Province being 
represented in this Council. 

"The clique have tried hard to throw the preponderance of 
power into the scale of the Western districts, or rather of Cape 
Town. But this we have resisted, and with success. We are to 
have forty-six members for the Lower House, twenty-two of which 
are to be from the Eastern, and twenty-four from the Western 
districts — a small majority which we could not refuse, considering 
the density of the population of this city. But in the Upper 
Chamber the two provinces are placed on a perfect level, eleven 


electoral divisions being apportioned to each. We have carried 
that the qualification for the Upper House shall be £2000 of 
unincumbered fixed property, or if incumbei-ed, then fixed pro- 
perty to the same amount, and unfixed property, free of all debts, 
to the amount of £4000. We have also carried that the qualified 
age for the Upper House shall be thirty years, and its duration 
ten years, half the members to go out at the expiration of every 
fifth year. The only point the clique has carried has been the 
franchise for the Upper House, which is to be the same as for 
the Lower — namely, occupation of landed property for the pre- 
vious twelve months of the value of £25. I proposed, in opposition 
to this, that the qualification for the elector of the Upper Chamber 
should be occupation of property of the value of £100, but the 
Attorney-General and Mr. Field voted against my amendment, 
and it was consequently lost by a majority of one. 

"I am perfectly at my ease here, my quarters are excellent, 
and the other inmates of the house most gentlemanly, agreeable 
men. We are perfectly free to act as inclination prompts. An 
excellent table is kept, of which we can either avail ourselves or 
not as we think proper. Sir Harry and all the ofiicials have 
treated me with marked and distinguished attention. My table 
is covered with cards of gentlemen who have done me the honour 
to leave them, while several letters of introduction I brought 
with me have not been as yet delivered, being retained from a 
feeling that I would rather make my way myself than be assisted 
by any extraneous aid of this character. 

" My old friend — I may say teacher — Rivers was quite 
delighted to see me, and my reception by Mrs. R. at Green 
Point, whither I went out to breakfast, was that of a near 
relative rather than a humble stranger. We dined at Govern- 
ment House on Friday, my fair partner to the ' banqueting hall ' 
being Mrs. McLeay (I am not sure of the orthography), whom I 
had the honour of seating next to Sir Harry himself. I need 
add nothing more to this long and prosy epistle, except to say 
I remain, 

"Yours most truly, 



" Cape Town, 26th September, 1850. 

"My dear Southey, — You will see enough in the public 
prints to gather from them our position. Fairbairn and his 
clique stand now in full relief as a dangerous factor, destructive 
to British interests, and ruinous to the property of the country. 
I have so much to say that I scarcely know where to begin — and 
preparatory to all, you must not put implicit faith in the pub- 
lished reports of our proceedings, as the honest reporters of Cape 
Town swell all that makes on their own side, and pare down and 
mutilate all that makes against them. The Faction evidently 
intended to quarrel and back out from the very outset. They 
took ground on the nomination question, but there they were 
baffled. Then they tried it on the subject of qualification of 
members of the Upper House, but that would not do ; public 
opinion set dead in against them, and hence they waited for the 
estimates. Sir Harry kept his temper admirably, and accepted 
their resignation with the best grace imaginable. 

' ' On the resignation of the clique there was a good deal of 
noise and clamour, a large packed Dutch party being present, 
and these were disposed to be rather uproarious ; but still, by 
facing them calmly and steadily, all went off quietly. I drew 
up, early the following morning, twelve reasons for consenting 
to go into the estimates, and these, though they cannot be entered 
on the minutes of the Council, will go home with the Governor's 
despatches, and be published in The Grahamstown Journal. You 
will see by the Gazette what we have been about in the interim. 

" Stockenstrom and Fairbairn are, it is said, to be sent home, 
and I have been urging that Montagu should be sent there at the 
same time. The Governor thought at first of moving his Execu- 
tive either to Uitenhage or Grahamstown, and recruiting in the 
Eastern Province, but Porter overruled this, and hence all public 
business, improvements, etc., are postponed sine die. This being 
the case, my labours here are nearly at an end, and I am now 
considering what route I shall take home. Cock has made up 
his mind to be off with the steamer on Tuesday. I am at present 
loth to go home without seeing the country which lies between 
this and Grahamstown. Bailey has been here, and has given 
me a kind invitation to spend a day or two with him, promising 
to put me forward. Bain has also sent me an invitation. Cock 
tries to deter me, but at present I am strongly inclined to 


take you in the way and have a long chat with you in Swel- 

" I have a great deal to say, but cannot find time to commit it 
to paper. I am treated here with great distinction, and would 
I but consent to remain, have before me the most flattering 
prospects ; but I am a frontier man, and with the frontier people 
must either stand or fall. 

"Yours most truly, 


At the end of 1849 Mr. Southey was appointed Civil 
Commissioner and Eesident Magistrate of Swellendam, one 
of the oldest and most important divisions of the Colony, 
then including Ladysmith, Eiversdale, and Eobertson. Here 
for some time he led a life of peace under his own vine and 
fig trees, among the shady bowers and beautiful gardens of 
the town of Swellendam. But while holding this office, the 
Kafir War of 1850-2 broke out, and Mr. Southey bestirred 
himself to assist his beloved friend and chief Sir Harry 
Smith. So energetic and successful were his endeavours 
to enrol natives, act for the Commissariat Department, and 
co-operate generally, that: at the termination of the war he 
deservedly received the best thanks of the Government. 

The correspondence of this time presents no salient 
features of interest, with the exception of the follo\mig 
letter : — 

" King William's Town, 1st September, 1851. 

"My dear Southey, — Montagu will be with you in a day 
or two after you receive this, and I wish you to be so good as 
to accompany him to Cape Town. Lady S. will put you up. 
Go to your old workshop and send me copies of every document 
which bears my signature or has my authority through you or 
Garvock from the day we first began to work on Sovereignty 
matters. The French missionaries have drawn out a document, 
and a copy has been sent to me, to prove that my Proclamation 
of the Sovereignty has caused nothing but strife and dissension ; 
and nothing more so than the boundary-line, which they and 
Moshesh condemn, although on 10th March, 1846, a petition 


was signed by all tlic chiefs, Moshesh of the number, praying 
the then Governor to establish general limits. The missionaries 
also state that the carrying out this obnoxious measure was 
most wantonly done, and that a brother of Moshesh and 100 
villagers were taken from under his jurisdiction, etc. Now, 
when we were at Winburg with Moshesh, the first as well as the 
second time, you well know how he approved of the establish- 
ment of Her Majesty's paramount authority — the document he 
wrote me, my reply, and something about Molitsani. Casallis 
then spoke to me requesting my interference with the Boers 
on the Mooi River — who were usurping the lands of Moshesh's 
subjects — and my restraint upon them. Take care I get copies 
of every document from the beginning. My letters, yours, 
Garvock's — which you will find in our letter-books. Montagu 
will assist in the copying part. Garvock will send you copy of 
the blessed missionaries' statement ; you will see they avoid all 
mention of the first cause of quarrel — Sikonyella burning the 
missionary station of Umpakani, etc. The plunder of Moroko's 
people because he aided the British Government ; Moshesh's 
acknowledgment of the crime by tendering horses and cattle 
in restitution, but not enough — hence Moroko rejected. The 
crime committed by Moshesh's people was however acknow- 
ledged ; nor do the missionaries state that Moshesh has been 
intriguing with Kreli and Sandilli —encouraging Morosi and the 
Tambookies in war, etc. Pray Southey take great pains to 
furnish me with all this information. Your expenses on the 
journey shall be repaid you. 

" Faithfully, 

"H. G. Smith." 

The copies of these documents were duly made and sent, 
accompanied by a memo from Mr. Southey, in which he 
rebuts the statements and claims of the missionaries. 

The two powerful chiefs in South Africa were Moshesh 
in Basutoland and Kreli on the eastern frontier of the Cape 
Colony. The first was considered to be indirectly implicated 
in the Kafir War of 1850-2, but Kreli was correctly styled 
"tke great promoter of hostilities." Among the papers of 
Mr. Southey is a " Memorandum," not only bearing reference 

THE KAFIR WAR, 1850—2, 95 

to Kreli, but traversing extensive ground connected M'ith 
native affairs. The document is one of those valuable 
Memoires pour servir which should be published in its 

The Kafir War of 1850, in which Mr. Southey was 
specially interested, must be referred to. As has been 
said, he assisted as Civil Commissioner of Swellendam in 
sending forward levies ; and the result of operations affected 
greatly his own future career as well as that of Su- Harry 

Sandilli, Chief of the Gaikas, felt that his power was 
diminishing, and, in order to regain influence and authority, 
suborned a witch doctor named Umlangeni to stir up the 
people to war by predictions and other artifices. Unfortu- 
nately, the Governor had not Mr. Southey at his side when 
he left Kaffraria in November, 1850, convinced "that the 
country was in a state of perfect tranquillity," and that 
the crisis of an attempt " to establish arbitrary power by the 
Chiefs has passed most happily." In December war broke 
out, and there were only 1435 regular troops to resist the 
enemy. A force of 600 of our men were severely handled 
in the Booma Pass, and on the Debe flats an escort, consist- 
ing of a sergeant and fourteen men, were killed. Worst of 
all, in the militaiy villages of Johannesburg, Woburn, and 
Auckland woeful acts of slaughter and pillage took place on 
Christmas Day. At the same time the Governor was shut 
up in Fort Cox, and was forced to gallop for his life to King 
Williamstown, losing two officers and twenty men, and 
leaving one gun behind. Previously he had fought for 
victory — on this occasion he had to struggle for his life. 
But the vigour and energy of this brave man were con- 
spicuously shown by the manner in which, at the head of 
250 Riflemen, he forced a passage through dense masses of 
the enemy. 

The Kafir Police, 365 strong, went over to Sandilli, and 
* This will be found in Appendix B. 


he was also joined by Hermanus and tlie Hottentots of Kat 
Eiver. Extensive desertions took place from the Cape 
Corps Kegiment, and a panic existed throughout the Colony. 
To the northward, in an attack upon the Tambookies at the 
Wittebergen, the Colonial party was obliged to retire with 
loss ; Whittlesea was twelve times furiously assaulted, and 
Forts Hare and Brown were attacked. All this completely 
justified the Governor, first in calling out the Eastern 
Burghers en masse, and then in appealing for support to 
the Western Yeomanry, while at the same time he asked the 
Imperial Government to send two additional regiments to 
the Colony. His force on the 1st May, 1851, had increased to 
9500 men, including 6th Foot, Eoyal Artillery, Ptoyal Engi- 
neers, 45th, 73rd, and 91st Regiments, as well as a remnant 
of the Cape Mounted Rifles, a Fingoe levy, and a number of 
undisciplined Burghers. 

Disturbed in the Amatola mountains, the Kafirs now 
invaded the Colony, and within six weeks carried off 5000 
cattle and 20,000 sheep, besides burning 200 farmhouses. 
The public roads were quite unsafe. Troops had to disperse 
armed bands in the forests, while the Great Fish River jungle 
and the guerilla eflbrts of the enemy, assisted by their 
intimate knowledge of the country, proved extremely em- 
barrassing. The 2nd Queen's, 74th Regiment, and Lancers 
arrived from England, but more men were still required 
and demanded. The Waterkloof was cleared and operations 
commenced against Kreli. It must have been extremely 
galling to Sir Harry Smith to be told at this juncture by 
the Secretary of State (Earl Grey) — 

"It is with great concern I have received intelUgence that 
much less progress has been made than I hoped towards the 
subjugation of the Kafirs, and that they had inflicted such 
severe injury on the Colonials." 

England never seems adequately to grasp the idea of the 
greatness of areas in South Africa. Sir Harry Smith pointed 


out the vast extent of the country in which he had to 
operate, and the fact that the insurgents were from 10,000 
to 20,000 strong. The troops had done wonderfully well. 
They had rested scarcely a single day, and, so long as the 
insurgents had held together in large numbers, had defeated 
them on forty-five different occasions between 24th December, 
1850, and 21st October, 1851. Above all things, the force 
at the General's disposal was not adequate. 

In 1852 General Somerset took 20,000 head of cattle 
from the natives, and they were defeated on several occa- 
sions, although a sad reverse took place at Waterkloof on 
the 7th March, when a party of British troops, 500 strong, 
were attacked successfully by 3000 Kafirs. The wreck of 
the steamer Birkenhead on the 26th February, when 413 
of our men were lost, was another blow. 

The taxpayers of England had become exceedingly 
impatient at the burdens imposed upon them by this 
" expensive Kafir "War," and accordingly, on the 14th 
January, 1852, Earl Grey complained that, although the 
force placed at the disposal of Sir Harry Smith had been 
very considerably increased, no real advantages were 
gained ; the losses of our troops were heavy, and their suc- 
cesses barren. That the Governor was gravely in error 
when he expressed assurances before the war that there 
was no real danger, and very ill-advised not to deal more 
promptly and severely with the rebel Hottentots. Indeed, 
had His Excellency's " military operations been less com- 
plicated by political difficulties, he would have achieved 
the same success by which he had been formerly so much 
distinguished." * 

Mr. Southey naturally felt the recall of Sir Harry Smith 
as a blow to himself, although he had reached a secure 
official haven in Swellendam. Feelings of friendship and 

* For this period of history see Wilmot and Chase's " History of the 
Cape Colony," p. 453. Mr. Chase had been Private Secretary to Sir Harry 



gratitude caused him sincerely to sympathize with the 
Governor, and say farewell with great regret. A distin- 
guished soldier, who eventually gave his life for his country 
in the Crimea, Lieut.-General Sir George Cathcart, was 
appointed to succeed Sir Harry Smith, and, for the purpose 
of civil administration in the Cape Colony, Mr. C. H. Darling 
was appointed Lieut.-Governor, and stationed in Cape Town. 
Decisive and successful operations brought the war to an 
end in 1853, although we had to deplore the victory gained 
by Moshesh at the battle of the Berea. 

The following letter shows how Mr. South ey was called 
upon to leave Swellendam and go to Cape Town : — 

" Private. 

" Woodstock, 3rd April, 1852. 
" My DEAR SoUTHEY, — My health is l^reaking up so fast that 
I am obliged to go away for eighteen months to England as 
soon as Lieut.-Governor Darling is sufficiently settled in his new 
office to spare me. I have spoken to him and to General Cath- 
cart, and I shall have my leave from 1st July at all events, 
and most probably from 1st June next; and there will be no 
difficulty in your acting for me on half salary (£750, and £200 
the half of your own as C.C. Swellendam) if you are still 
disposed to undertake it ; but I will not propose you officially 
until you answer this note. Having talked the matter over 
with you so fully in September last, I need not more particu- 
larly refer to the subject than again to assure you that I would 
rather have you as locum tenens than any other man in the 
Colony, because I feel confidently that you will do the duty 
efficiently, with honesty and a singleness of purpose, for the 
best interests of the Colony. 

" Yours sincerely, 

" John Montagu." 

Mr. Southey was appointed Acting Secretary to Govern- 
ment in due course, and at this stage of his biography it 
seems desirable to consider the constitutional position of the 
Cape Colony. A demand for representative institutions can 
be traced back for many years, and there is no doubt that 


the successful anti-convict agitation of 1849 did much to 
hasten their advent. Sir Charles Adderley tells us (" Colonial 
Policy," p. 3) that the normal current of Colonial history is 
perpetual assertion of the right of self-government. Certainly 
the statement was exemplified in the Cape Colony. How- 
ever, until the year 1854 the constituted Government com- 
prised an Executive Council and a Legislative Council, both 
appointed by the Crown. The former was composed of the 
principal officials, while the latter comprised thii-teen mem- 
bers, seven of whom sat by virtue of the offices they held 
(Secretary to Government, Attorney-General, etc.), while six 
unofficial members were appointed by the Crown, on the 
recommendation of the Governor, All held their seats during 

Unfortunately the Lieutenant-Governor was a difficult 
man to please. His relations with Mr. Montagu had become 
straitened previous to the departure of that gentleman for 
England, and we cannot wonder that Mr. Southey was looked 
upon with some measure of suspicion and dislike, because he 
was the man upon whom Mr. Montagu had thrown his mantle. 
There was a good deal of the avitocrat about Mr. Darling. 
An advertisement about a harmless political meeting elicits 
the following : — 

" Confidential. " Memorandum. 

" I perceive that there is to be a public meeting to-day on the 
subject of the Constitution. I should be glad if steps were taken 
by the Resident Magistrate or Chief of Police to ascertain by 
what number of persons it may be attended, and by what classes, 
and who are the best known and principal citizens and inhabi- 
tants who may take a part in it. 

" I should be glad, also, if it could be ascertained how many 
Municipal Commissioners were present when the resolution 
respecting Mr. Montagu was passed, and who they were. Has 
the Government a right by law to call for the records of the 
proceedings of the Municipality ? 

"C. H. D. 

«7th October, 1852. 
" The Honourable the Secretary of Government." 


At a very early stage Mr. Soutliey found this autocratic 
Lieutenant - Governor exceedingly unpleasant. However, 
Sir Harry Smith says of him in a letter from England — 

" Belmont House, Havant, 30th October, 1852. 
" I am glad to see the Lieutenant-Governor gets on so steadily 
and well. He struck me as a business-like man, with good com- 
mon sense — the best of all ability." 

Mr. Montagu writes from London on 23rd November, 


" I have entered so fully into the misunderstanding between 
you and Darling, that I have nothing more to add." 

He goes on to say — 

" What a donkey Darling made of himself in the matter of 
subscriptions for assisting burghers to join the Kei expedition ! 
His game to be popular will trip him nicely before he has done 
with it, or his town-house friends and their friends are not such 
scamps as I believe them to be." 

He goes on to animadvert severely upon Mr. Hope, 
Auditor-General, and, anticipating the completion of Bain's 
Kloof, refers to the " Seven Weeks' Poort." He concludes by 

" It is very pleasing to me to know that all the clerks work 
so well with you, and that, as far as the office itself is concerned, 
everything is going on so smoothly and to your satisfaction. Had 
it not been for this unfortunate affair with Darling, everything 
around you would have been cheering. John will tell you what 
I am doing to try to get you confirmed permanently, upon my 
getting another appointment." 

In a letter from Mr. Southey to Sir George Cathcart 
dated 13th January, 1853, he appeals from the decision of 
Lieutenant-Governor Darling suspending him from office. 
He says — 

" I have as yet received no direct or formal letter apprising 
me of my actual removal from office, but I have, by a letter of 


yesterday's date, requested His Honour to be pleased to furnish 
me with the specific grounds ^ or charges upon which the suspen- 
sion is founded. I gather from the previous correspondence that 
the only ground upon which His Honour was about to take this 
step was that I had not, when advising as a Member of the 
Executive Council on certain charges preferred by His Honour 
against Mr. J. E. Montagu, Chief Clerk in the Colonial Office, 
apprised His Honour of my knowledge that he (Mr. Montagu), 
while acting as Clerk of the Council, had transmitted copies of 
certain minutes to the Secretaiy to Government (Mr. Montagu), 
absent on leave in England. I trust I have sufficiently explained 
(for your Excellency's information) in my letter to the Lieutenant- 
Governor that I had not, any more than had Mr. J. E, Montagu, 
the slightest suspicion that any impropriety attached to the act 
which I am accused of concealing." 

The charges at that time preferred against Mr. J. E. 
Montagu, and then under the consideration of the Council, 
were to this effect — 

" 1st. That in a letter to your Excellency, he had misrepre- 
sented facts for his own pecuniary ends. 

" 2nd. That in disobedience to the Lieutenant-Governor's 
instructions, and in violation of the secret and confidential nature 
of his duties as Acting Clerk of the Council, he had entrusted 
the current volume of the Executive Council Records to a person 
not a member of that body, and allowed him to transcribe therein 
the minutes of the Council. 

"I am at a loss," Mr. Southey goes on to say, "to perceive 
how the fact of his having transmitted copies of Minutes to the 
Secretary to Government, himself a Member of the Executive 
Council, although temporarily absent from his office, either 
related to, or in any way could affect, the charges then preferred 
against Mr. J. E. Montagu. In the absence of any intimation 
from the Lieutenant-Governor to the contrary, I had regarded a 
compliance with Mr. Montagu's expressed wish to be kept informed 
of passing events connected with his office during his absence as 
perfectly privileged and involving no impropriety." 

Of the same date as the above letter, 13 th January, 
1853, a notice appears in the Government Gazette, signed by 


" Elliot Salter, Private Secretary," stating that the Lieutenant- 

" has been pleased to appoint the Honourable Wm. Hope, 
Auditor of Public Accounts, to act as Secretary to Government 
until the pleasure of His Excellency the Governor be known, in 
the room of Richard Southey, Esquire, whom His Honour has 
felt it his duty to suspend from office." 

The appeal to a Governor in the field (Lieut.-General 
Sir G. Cathcart) was unavailing. There is an interesting 
letter dated " 4 o'clock, Saturday," from Mr. John E. Montagu 
to Mr. Southey, at Swellendam, in which he says — 

" Your suspension is confirmed. Now, it is all important that 
you should go by tliis steamer, which leaves on Monday. It is 
said she will leave at 12 o'clock. Bay ley and all your friends 
think that you should come down by express immediately you 
receive this, and if you make great haste you will be in time. 
Depend upon it, it is most important that you should get home 
by the Indiana, as it will look odd if the Home Government 
receive the Governor's approval of your suspension, and you 
don't make your appearance at the same time, or some represen- 
tation from you. I entreat you to come as soon as you receive 
this. In anticipation of your doing so, I have written to Linde 
to have a cart and horses ready to bring you on. I do hope that 
you will see the necessity of at once coming, and by riding hard 
you may be in time. Your case depends upon your going home 
by this mail. I shall expect to see you by 10 o'clock on Monday. 

" Yours sincerely, 

"John E. Montagu." 

This letter was evidently sent by hand, and is addressed 
on the outside — " Immediate, Eichard Southey, Esq., Swel- 

The man who had successfully served under the swift- 
moving and impetuous Sir Harry Smith, lost no time on the 
road, embarked in the mail steamer, reached England in due 
course, and immediately laid his appeal before the Secretary 
of State for the Colonies. The following little memo, written 


forty years after this voyage, refers to the steamers and 
voyages of 1853 : — 

^'Reminiscences of a Voyage from the Cape to England and 
hach hy Mail Steamer about Forty Years ago. 
" At the time referred to the mail service between this Colony 
and England was performed by a Company denominated ' The 
General Screw Company,' the mails being carried once a month 
each way, and the time allowed from here to England, or from 
England to this, was, if my memory is correct, thirty-eight 
days. The Company's ships conveyed mails also between England 
and India, the Australian Colonies, etc., so this was but a halting- 
place for delivering and taking in passengers, mails, and mer- 
chandise, the ships being delayed in Table Bay only so long as 
needful for those purposes ; and if outward bound to India, pro- 
ceeded, via Mauritius and Ceylon, to Calcutta ; or if to Australia, 
proceeded in that direction ; if homeward bound, they had to call 
at St. Helena, Ascension, and the Island of St. Vincent (Cape 
de Verde), and were allowed a certain fixed time for detention 
at each of those places — six hours at each of the two first named, 
and three days at St. Vincent for taking in coal and water. In 
those days the mail service was subject to the supervision of the 
Admiralty, and it was customary to have a naval officer on 
board each ship to see that the terms of the contract were duly 


Some months were occupied in pleading his case, and 
then, as might have been expected, his suspension from office 
was reversed. The despatch from the Secretary of State for 
the Colonies to the Governor of the Cape of Good Hope is as 
follows : — 

''[No. 60.] 

"Downing Street, 10th May, 1853. 

"1. I have to acknowledge Lieutenant-Governor Dar- 
ling's despatches of the numbers and dates noted in the margin, 
22n(l Jan. reporting the suspension from his office of Mr. Richard Southey, 
1853. Acting Secretary to Government, relating the particulars of 

No. 11, 


certain alleged misconduct on the part of Mr. J. E. Montagu, No 18. 
Chief Clerk in that office which the Lieutenant-Governor had '^^^^ '^^°- 
not thought it necessary to visit with similar punishment, and g,? ^^-^ 
informing me also of certain proceedings in the Executive -^^ gg 
Council and correspondence respecting Mr. Southey's conduct 5th Feb. 
in relation to certain charges preferred against Major Longmore. 

" 2. Feeling myself bound to convey to you, on the part of 
Her Majesty's Government, the disallowance of the suspension 
of Mr. Southey, which creates the substantial issue raised by 
these despatches, I must add that it has been an additional 
source of difficulty to me, in arriving at this conclusion, that the 
suspension in question appears to have been approved by your- 
self. But I understand you to have approved it only subject to 
the further reference to Her Majesty's Government, which you 
knew was pending. It may be that under these circumstances 
you only thought it necessary to give the support of your 
authority to the Lieutenant-Governor with a view to that 
ultimate decision. If, however, this approval expressed your 
deliberate opinion on the entire case, I am obliged to say that 
the circumstances of it lead me to a different conclusion. 

" 3. The ground on which Mr. Southey had been suspended 
(against the opinion of the Members of the Executive Council 
who considered the case) is. That he authorized the transmission 
to the Secretary to Government, while in England on leave of 
absence, of copies of Minutes of the Executive Council, and of 
other documents from the Secretary's office, without the sanction 
or knowledge of the Lieutenant-Governor. 

" 4. That this was a deviation from the correct official course 
on the part of Mr. Southey there can be no doubt. No one, 
whatever his rank in the Civil Service in a Colony, can have any 
right to the perusal of official documents when absent from his 
post, except by the express permission of the officer adminis- 
tering the government. 

" 5. But when I consider the circumstances under which 
this deviation took place — that Mr. Southey acted under the 
directions of Mr. Montagu himself, who doubtless had some 
reason, founded probably on misapprehension, for supposing that 
he had permission to receive these documents, and that he 
appears to have acted in full reliance on those directions and 
without any intention whatever (so far as the evidence goes) 


of committing an act uf disobedience — I fully concur with the 
Members of the Council in thinking that, whatever the amount 
of this misconduct may be, it would have been fully met by a 
simple reprimand, and was very far indeed from requiring the 
extreme penalty of suspension. 

"6. I cannot pass by this part of the case without observing, 
on Mr. Southey's complaints, that he had neither an explicit 
statement of the charges against him nor a full and fair oppor- 
tunity of defence. I will not enter into a particular inquiry 
whether these complaints are well founded, because, considering 
him entitled to a reversal of his sentence on the merits, such an 
inquiry seems to me unnecessary. But some expressions which 
occur in this correspondence appear to me to call for a distinct 
expression of my own views. I consider that every public 
servant against whom it is intended to proceed by suspension 
is entitled to an explicit statement of the charges against him, 
and is entitled to a full defence against those charges, whether 
in writing or orally before the Executive Council, as circum- 
stances may dictate. If fresh charges are raised by the discussion 
which then takes place, those charges must in their turn be 
explicitly laid before him, and full opportunity given for answer. 
This is the course which the Colonial Regulations and your 
own Instructions lay down in general terms ; and if any doubt 
arise as to the meaning of those terms, it must be solved by 
a recurrence to the spirit of the whole rule — namely, that the 
accused party must have the charge distinctly made against him, 
and have all reasonable means of defence placed in his power. 

"7. With respect to Mr. J. E. Montagu, I need only state 
that the main charge both against him and Mr. Southey being 
thus disposed of, I do not consider that the other portions of 
these despatches which relate to his conduct require any notice 
from me. 

"8. I understand, however, your own decision in the case 
of Mr. Southey to be founded in part on his conduct in the 
matter of Major Longmore. 

" 9, I do not consider that conduct wholly free from blame. 
I will not particularize farther than by saying that I agree in 
many of the remarks of the Executive Council on the subject ; 
and in particular I disapprove of his procuring a voluntary 
affidavit from Michael Butler, not only on account of the 


controversy between him and the Lieutenant-Governor, which this 
proceeding formed a part, but also because it was in itself a 
wrong step. It is one which in this country would probably 
be held a breach of the law, and is certainly a violation of 
that respect due to the solemnities of justice which forbids 
unnecessary oaths. 

" 10. But I am under the necessity of adding that I feel 
myself quite unable to visit this conduct with severity on 
Mr, Southey, when I remember that the pertinacity which he 
showed on the occasion was exhibited in a right cause. 

" 12. Mr. Southey will accordingly be reinstated as Acting- 
Secretary to Government. I do not fully understand the position 
in which your decision had placed him with respect to his Civil 
Commissionership at Swellendam ; but it is my intention that 
he should be placed in all respects in his former position as to 
salary and office, as if these proceedings had not taken place. I 
sanction, however, the payment of half salary to Mr. Hope 
during his temporary performance of Mr. Southey's functions. 

"13. Having thus disposed of the points submitted for my 
decision, I must not close this despatch without adding what 
appear to me necessary suggestions for the guidance of the 
Lieutenant-Governor in a position, I am ready to acknowledge, 
not free from difficulties, but requiring therefore the greater 
exercise of judgment and moderation on his part. 

"14. I must observe that there is nothing which adds so 
much to the proper influence and power of a superior as an 
habitual observation of what is due to the self-respect of those 
who fill the inferior grades of the public service. His demeanour 
towards them should at all times be characterized by a generous 
sense of the disadvantageous footing on which they stand rela- 
tively to himself. Even rebuke and censure are best conveyed 
in measured language, and it will be found that, be the provo- 
cation what it may, to lose sight of this rule of conduct is to 
part with the most efficient check upon insubordination which 
a superior officer possesses. In the perusal of these papers I 
could not fail to notice more than one instance of a departure 
from this salutary rule. 

"15. In the next place, I must impress on him that the 
regulations of 1850, to which so much reference is made in these 


proceedings, were intended for the purpose of securing a high 
tone of moral character in the Civil Service of the Colony ; that 
although it is just to interpret them strictly within their limits 
when a question arises as to the dismissal of an officer for trans- 
gressing them, their spirit and general meaning are to be looked 
to when considering the claims of any one to an appointment, 
and that, unless these Regulations are followed in full accord- 
ance with the views here indicated, a laxity in the conduct of 
Civil Servants will be introduced which will lead to such mischief 
as no Governor can control, and against which, at this particular 
juncture of the affairs of the Cape Colony, it is most especially 
the duty of all concerned in the administration of its Govern- 
ment to guard. 

" I have the honour to be, Sir, 

*' Your most obedient, humble servant, 

" Newcastle." 
Governor, Lieut.-General The Hon. G. Catlicart, etc. 

When Sir Harry Smith heard the good news, he wrote 
to his friend — 

" Government House, Devonport, 11th May, 1853. 

" My dear Southey, — Thank God ! Authority regards you 
the honest and upright man as I do. 

"The Cape steamer touches here. When you go, could you 
not be picked up here by preceding your kit a few days, and 
stay with us ? We should be both most happy to see you. A 
pretty state of harmony and union the Cape will be in when you 

return in triumph. Mind what I say, as the dear Duke W 

said to me on my return, 'Mind what you do; everything 
is political, and both parties will try to make a tool of you. 
Your case as it stands cannot be improved, but may be injured ' 
— quite applicable to you. 

"H. G. S." 

Eelations in England thus expressed their joy — 

"Culmstock, 10th May, 1853. 
"My dear Nephew, — This morning I received your note of 
the 7th inst. The contents thereof havb given me very great 


pleasure, and drawn tears of joy from the eyes of your Aunt 
Robert Southey. All our relatives here are greatly delighted 
to find that you have overcome your enemies, and that you will 
return to the Cape an honourable gentleman, 

" Your affectionate uncle, 



Mr. Southey again Acting Colonial Secretary — Mr. Kawson appointed — 
Southey Secretary to Lieut.-Governor in Grahamstown — Lettera from 
Sir George Grey, Commandant Currie, Mr. Rawson, and Lieut.-General 
Wynyard — The missionaries and native affairs — Rawson goes to England, 
and Southey acts as Colonial Secretary — Parliamentary proceedings and 
politics in the Cape Colony — Letters from Mr. Rawson and Sir George 

MR. SOUTHEY returned to the Colony in 1853, and 
resumed his duties as Acting Secretary to Govern- 
ment, A new Constitution had been framed for the Cape of 
Good Hope by a Committee of Her Majesty's Privy Council, 
after consideration of papers and minutes forwarded by the 
Governor in the year 18-48, This provided a system of 
representative government with two Houses of Parliament, 
but the first session was not held until the year 1854, The 
officers of the Government had the right of speaking in both 

The old Legislative Council during the Anti-Convict 
Agitation in 1849 had suffered the loss, by resignation, of 
all its official members with the exception of Mr, Cock of 
the Kowie. To fill up the vacancies thus caused, a peculiar 
mode of popular election was adopted, which resulted in the 
greatest number of municipalities and Road Boards recom- 
mending Advocate C, J, Brand, Sir A, Stockenstrom, Mr, 
F. W. Reitz, Mr. J. Fairbairn, and Mr. J. H, Wicht. This 
was indeed a packed assembly, with very little representa- 
tion for the East ; and so, although the Governor appointed 
the first four, he substituted the name of Mr. Godlonton of 
the Grahamstown Journal for that of Mr, Wicht, 

In arranging the details of the Constitution there was 


considerable conflict between Mr. Montagu and the four 
"popular members," whom the Secretary declared would 
never have been elected but for the electioneering influences 
of a party in Cape Town. They would not pass the esti- 
mates, taking " The Constitution and nothing but the 
Constitution " as their watchword, were outvoted, and then 
resigned. In this way the Legislative machinery again 
stood still. In accordance with the wish of the Secretary 
of State, a Commission consisting of the remaining Members 
of the Council framed an ordinance exactly in the same 
manner as if they were legislating, while the Members who 
had resigned drafted another which they styled " The Six- 
teen Articles." There was little difference between them 
except as regards the qualification of Members of the Upper 
House, and the mode of their election. Nevertheless, the 
supporters of the latter scheme sent Sir A. Stockenstrom 
and Mr. Fairbairn to England in order to vindicate the rights 
and interests of the Colonists before the British Parliament 
and people. 

As it transpired that it was absolutely necessary for the 
Legislative Council of the Cape Colony to pass the Con- 
stitution Ordinance, the Governor received instructions to 
summon it to meet in Cape Town. Accordingly four new 
unofficial Members, in the persons of Messrs. Hawkins, 
ArckoU, Christian, and Moodie, were appointed ; the Council 
held its session, and the desired measure was duly passed 
and sent to England. 

Mr. Southey had not long returned to Cape Town when 
the sad news arrived of the death of his friend Mr. Montagu, 
whose strength had been overtaxed in the Colony by work 
and anxiety. He had held the office of Secretary to Govern- 
ment from 1843 to 1852, and by the formation of roads and 
" passes," as well as by an excellent financial policy, rendered 
very great service to the Colony. To this vacancy Mr. Eawson 
William Eawson, Treasurer and Paymaster-General of Mauri- 
tius, was appointed. It was in 1853 that the old Legislative 


Council was abolislied, and in 1854 that Sii' George Cathcart 
proceeded to England to assume the office of Adjutant- 
General. Mr. Darling, however, remained as Lieutenant- 
Governor until the arrival of Sir George Grey. 

Having concluded his service as Acting-Secretary to 
Government in Cape Town, Mr. Southey was appointed to be 
Secretary to the Lieutenant-Governor in Grahamstown, where 
his duties were comparatively light, as all real jjower and 
authority resided in Cape Town. Except so far as reports 
on frontier subjects and advising with reference to Eastern 
Province appointments were concerned, there was no adminis- 
trative work. Mr. Southey could never be called a jDarty 
politician, and it was in wisely carrying on the practical work 
of the country that he specially distinguished himself. His 
character stood deservedly high as a most reliable official, 
and we therefore cannot be surprised that at the death of 
Mr. Wm. Hope, Auditor-General, he was appointed by the 
Governor to fill that office. The Secretary of State had, 
however, previously appointed Mr. Eldred Mowbray Cole, a 
cousin of Lord Derby, then Prime Minister, to be Auditor, 
and that gentleman, who had previously come out to farm 
in the Colony, and was then a Civil Commissioner, took up 
the appointment. 

One of the great statesmen who helped to consolidate the 
British Colonial Empire ruled the Cape as Governor from 
December, 1854, to August, 1861. Sir George Grey's policy 
was to reclaim and civilize the Kafir races by systematic 
efforts, and as means to this end he settled Germans in 
Kaffraria, and established a hospital for natives in King 
William's Town. Subjects which engaged the attention of 
the Cape Parliament included increasing the Armed Mounted 
Police, the establishment of a Burgher Force, mission and 
industrial schools, the formation of an adequate Judicial 
Bench, immigration, railroads, and steam communication 
with England. Now that representative institutions were in 
force, the highest officials had to defend themselves and the 


Government in Parliament, while the Colonial Secretary was, 
of course. Prime Minister, 

In Mr. Southey's j)osition as Secretary to the Lieutenant- 
Governor in Grahamstown he played but a subordinate part, 
although his experience and advice were of great service. 
Unobtrusively, but with zeal, diligence, and ability, he per- 
formed the duties of his office. Among the letters of the 
period is one from Sir George Grey (without date), from 
Eraser's Camp, in which he says — 

*' My dear Southey, — You will think me an unconscionable 
fellow when I tell you that I shall be in Grahamstown this 
evening, and shall want my house. But, really, it is the fault 
of those rascally Indian mutineers, and not mine ; therefore, I 
hope yourself and Mrs. Southey will lay the blame on the right 
shoulders, and not on mine. Since their conduct has forced us 
into so unfriendly an act towards you, I feel more indignant with 
them than ever. 

" Truly yours, 

« G. Grey." 

During the period that General Wynyard was Lieutenant- 
Governor there were numerous letters from him, but very 
few require to be quoted. In one communication he styles 
the Castle of Cape Town " an old Dutch palace," and rejoices 
" to have the benefit of it during the hottest season of the 
year." The usefulness of the position of Mr. Southey is 
frequently indicated, as, for instance, when the Lieutenant- 
Governor writes — 

' ' As I cannot find out from the ofiicial records what Sir G. 
Grey's ultimate instructions may have been respecting the dis- 
posal or location of the natives, and as he never left me any 
special instructions on the subject, perhaps you may be able to 
enlighten me." 

An important phase of affairs in the Orange Pree State 
in the year 1857 is fully referred to in the following letter to 
Mr. Southey from Mr. W. J. Halse :— 


" Smithfield, 4th January, 1857. 
" R. Southey, Esq., Grahamstown. 

" My dear Sir, — In my last I stated ' I was convinced the 
time was not far distant when the Bi-itish Government would be 
compelled to interfere in the politics of the Free State, or, perhaps, 
even to re-annex it to the Colony.' That time has, I think, 
arrived. You have, of course, seen the Bloemfontein Gazette of 
the 20th and 27th December, the first confiscating all the property 
in the Free State of British subjects or non-residents, and de- 
manding the oath of allegiance from all resident Europeans, etc., 
and the second not only curtailing the liberty of the Press, but 
making it punishable with five years' hard labour to any resident 
writing in a Colonial paper, even ridiculing any of the F. S. 
Authorities. The object is evident, to be able to commit any act 
of iniquity without its being made public. It may be said it is 
only a draft of an Ordinance, and will not pass. I am convinced 
it will. There is not one now in the Raad to oppose it, and 
Boshof has threatened to resign unless it does pass. Again, it 
may be said we have six months to sell, and shall not lose much, 
but the selling is a farce ; if the Ordinance is passed, not another 
farm will be sold during the next six months. Englishmen 
possess some of the best farms in the country, and Englishmen 
are the only speculators ; therefore, Boers will get them at the 
sheriff's sale at their own prices. You will also observe that it 
is to be at the President's option to refuse to grant the Deed of 
Burghership should Englishmen be inclined to take the oath, 
and many are already named whom Boshof intends to refuse. 

" We have signed a protest, and are getting it signed by all 
the Englishmen. We are determined to oppose peaceably and 
constitutionally while there is any use in constitutional opposi- 
tion, but when that is of no avail, if the Colonial Government do 
not assist us, we are determined neither to swear the oath required, 
nor allow our property to be confiscated. I never will, while I 
have life, allow my land, worth £6000, to be alienated, and myself 
and family beggared, and so say all. I mean it ; bloodshed and 
the horrors of civil war, and worse, will be heard of, and here- 
after the Colonial Government will be reproached for compelling 
(by their apathy) Englishmen to take steps and do those things 
they would otherwise loathe and abhor. 

"Farms are now worth nothing. I know of negotiations 



having ceased for farms already in two or three instances. 
Moshesh has not yet delivered the demanded stock, as I thought, 
nor do I believe he will, and a war will doubtless be the conse- 
quence. No Englishman will serve the Free State against him 
in the present prospect, and many, I hear, talk of joining him. 
The result of such aflFairs to this unfortunate country I leave you 
to speculate upon. Our small number, and the fears of some, 
render us A'ery weak, and it is only to such friends as you in the 
Colony that we can look for advice and assistance ; may I crave 
the former from you 1 

" Had I only a house, or even a farm of moderate valuation, 
I would allow myself to be made a martyr of, lose it, and be 
banished the country, and trust to the Colony for redress, but if 
I am to lose my all I shall get a party at whatever cost, and do 
something desperate. Pray let me have your opinion of times 
and things as soon as you can spare time. 

" Very faithfully yours, 

" W. J. Halse." 

The settlement of the German Legion caused a great deal 
of correspondence, and the manner in which it was arranged 
under the suggestions of Mr. Southey and by the manage- 
ment of Captain Mills (afterwards Sir Charles Mills) left 
nothing to be desired. 

On the frontier there was constant unrest, and the following 
selected letters bearing reference to subjects of the period 
are of considerable interest : — 

" Private and Confidential. 

" Colonial Office, 13th October, 1857. 

" Sir, — Mr. Rawson, before leaving ofl&ce, desired me to 
address you, requesting you will move His Honour the Lieutenant- 
Governor to learn from Mr. Commandant Currie whether, if 
required to do so, it would be in his power to captui^e the Chief 
Kreli. Mr. Currie should inform you in what manner he would, 
if called upon, propose to effect this object ; when, and at what 
place, he could succeed in the attempt, 

"You are requested to forward this information as quickly 
as possible to be submitted to the Governor, and I am directed 


to impress upon you the absolute necessity of keeping this subject 
strictly private, with the knowledge only of the Lieutenant- 
Governor and Mr. Currie. 

"I have, etc, 

" Percy Vigoks, 
" For the Colonial Secretary." 

." Imvani Camp, 19th October, 1857. 
" My dear Southey, — I have sent you a memo. I hope it is 
what you wished for ; if not, keep it until I come to town, which 
you will see by the oificial inside will be on Saturday next, but if 
you have sent me leave by post you need not show the enclosed 
official to the General, as it will only make him angry, but rather 
than remain here until he gets a reply to my memo from Cape 
Town, I loould resign — unless there was something to do to make 
my peace with all parties. I am coming. I dare not put in the 
memo that I would catch Kreli and hand him over to you, but 
I firmly believe I can do so if you let me do as I like. The burghers 
are anxious to go in at him as well as myself, and this last patrol, 
from which I returned last night, pitched into Mr. Kreli, killed 
thirty-five of his people and captured forty-seven horses, without 
a casualty on our side, save a poor fellow of mine who was drowned 
crossing the Indwe. By-the-by, your brother Harry might have 
come to grief, but he shot his man and captured a rifle the fellow 
was pointing at him when he shot him right in the mouth, which, 
of course, was enough for him. The less said about this patrol the 
better. I shall report it, of course, and call it Fadana's country, 
although there was devilish little of Fadana's country in it ; but it 
is all the same, they are all alike — vagabonds. Kreli, I am told, 
is in a devil of a funk. He sticks close to John Crouch, the 
trader, who, I dare say, would bring him out with him when you 
issue orders for all traders and missionaries to make themselves 
scarce over there. The Queen's Town district is very quiet, a few 
thefts committed by Anta's people alone. I should like to put 
him to rights before I leave, that I may not be sent up here 
again. I brought out a lot of women and children (75), and sent 
them to Queen's Town (Fadana's people). Give my love to all, 
and tell them I shall see them all on Sunday at church. 

" Yours very truly, 

" W. Currie," 


" Frivate. 
" Colonial Office, 24th November, 1857. 
" My dear Sir, — I return you the enclosed letter from Mr. 
Currie. I forget whether you requested me to do so, but I wish 
not to keep it. The Members of Council were much shocked at 
Mr. Currie's cold-blooded, perhaps I ought rather to say hot- 
blooded, expressions, and you had better hint to Mr. Currie not 
to write to you on these subjects anything which he will not 
wish the Governor and Council to see. 

" He is certainly an energetic, daring man, but unscrupulous 
and cruel, and very likely to lead the Government into trouble. 

"Yours truly, 

" Rawson W. Rawson." 
" E. Southey, Esq." 

" Colonial Office, 3rd November, 1857. 
" My dear Sir, — I have just obtained the Governor's decision 
on the subject of arresting Kreli, and can communicate it to you 
hurriedly by to-day's post. 

" His Excellency is of opinion that in the present state of Kreli 
and his followers, and with the views expressed by Mr. Currie as 
to the measures necessary to ensure the arrest of the Chief, it is 
not expedient at present to do more than to adopt the best 
measures for the protection of the border districts, especially of 
the Albert Division, which has lately been chiefly exposed to the 
depredations of the marauding or starving Galekas. 
"In haste, 

" Yours very truly, 

" Rawson W. Rawson." 
" R. Southey, Esq." 

" Cape Town, 28th July, 1859. 
" My dear Southey, — Busy as I am, I must write one line 
to thank you for your note of the 23rd. You were not more 
startled at my recall than I am, and you may guess that I feel 
deeply being separated from so many people I was attached to, and 
from so many objects which I earnestly desired to carry out, and 
had so nearly completed. In fact, at first the news pretty nearly 
broke my heart ; now I am quite resigned to what God has 
pleased to allow to fall upon me. But the pang of separation 
has yet to come. I suppose that in a few days more I shall hear 


who is to be my successor, and when I am to move. With my 
kind regards to Mrs. Southey and all old friends, including 
especially Currie, to whom show this note, telling him that I 
shall never forget all he has done here, and have still no doubt 
he will be rewarded. 

" Believe me, 

"Very truly yours, 

" G. Grey." 

Here follow several selected letters : — 

" 16th March, 1860. 
" To General Wynyard, Acting Governor. 

"My dear General, — I was aware that you had urged upon 
the attention of H.M. Government the subject of the Trans- 
keiar territory, etc., but I fear that they will not come to a 
decision until it is forced upon them, either by some direct and 
unauthorized act of the Governor and High Commissioner, or by 
a war involving a large Imperial expenditure. 

" Currie only returned last night. The matter for the most 
immediate consideration just now is the ' German Military 
Settlers ' about to be deprived of pay, etc., and be thrown upon 
their own resources. Upon this subject I will write fully 
to Mr. Rawson by to-day's post, so need not enter into it 

" In a former note I mentioned to your Excellency the large 
influx of Kafirs into Kama's Location. Since then I have learned 
that the same has occurred in that of Sandilli, and that not 
only do Kafirs get admittance there when leaving this Colony, 
but that the Magistrate, Mr. Brownlee, has given passes to 
persons formerly of Buku's tribe to bring their families, etc., 
from (as I understand) beyond the Bashee, and to locate them 
in British Kaffraria. And to add to the complication of affairs, 
I am informed that Kreli's mother and his ' great wife ' have 
been admitted to reside at Mr. Waters' Mission Station (St. 
Mark's), which is within that Chief's late territory, and opens 
up to Kreli easy communication with the British Kaffrarian 
Kafirs, and the Queenstown Tambookies, without the interference 
of Currie's Police, specially stationed in that locality to prevent 

"If I could persuade myself that the Church Missionaries, 


who have gone in among the natives, were very judicious persons, 
I should conceive it to be impossible that Mr. Waters would 
admit Kreli's mother and wife without first referring to and 
obtaining the consent of H.M. High Commissioner, and although 
I should be of opinion that such consent ought not to be given, 
if Mr. Waters has obtained it he will have relieved himself 
from the responsibility. 

" I ought perhaps to give some reason for my want of faith 
in the judicious qualifications of our missionaries. I will, there- 
fore, say that not long ago I saw in an English newspaper that 
the Bishop of Grahamstown, in a speech delivered while in 
England, asserted that the Kafirs, since the ' breaking up ' of 
their tribes, had become quite an altered people, that vast 
numbers had embraced Christianity, and very many were anxious 
to go forth and spread among their more unenlightened country- 
men the glad tidings which they themselves had learnt (money 
only was needed to work miracles — this is my addition). When 
I saw this, which I knew or had good reason for believing to 
be very wide of the truth, I considered that the Bishop's words 
or meaning had been misrepresented ; but in the very first sermon 
preached by him here after his return, he asserted almost the 
same thing word for word. This, of course, he believes to be 
correct, and he must have received information from some of 
his missionaries to that efiFect. When I hear this, and think 
that very lately, perhaps about the time the address was 
delivered, the Intongana was preached upon Mr. Waters' 
Station, and that he ' settled ' the case himself, thus standing 
between the culprits and their punishment by the magistrate 
stationed in the country, I cannot help feeling that such 
actions are the result of mistaken views, and I lose confidence 

" If Colonel Maclean has not brought under your Excellency's 
notice what I have here alluded to, i.e. large increase of Kama's 
tribe, also Sandilli's, the admission by Mr. Brownlee of some 
of the late Buku's people from the eastward, and the settlement 
of Kreli's mother and great wife at St. Mark's, perhaps your 
Excellency will think it worth while to ask him whether there 
is truth in the report that such is the case. 

"Currie's information accords with my own, and as our 
sources of information upon some of the subjects are different, 


there is great probability that, though some things may be a 
little overdrawn, there are grounds for all the assertions. 

" Your Excellency's, 

" Very faithfully, 


" 20th March, 1860. 

" My dear General, — In continuation of my notes of native 
affaii-s, I may mention that, having been told that the Fingoes, 
and those of the Peddie District in particular, were in the habit 
of once or twice a week singing a new song, which caused a good 
deal of excitement among them, I wrote to the Superintendent, 
Mr. Tainton, requesting him to let me know all about it. His 
reply is enclosed. I do not think much of Mr. Tainton's opinion 
in matters of this nature. And looking at its introduction or 
revival just now, I am disposed to attribute an object to it. I 
shall not fail to watch the progress of affairs, and to obtain 
information from various quarters. The person who first told 
me about this new song has promised to obtain the words for me. 
I do not think with Mr. Tainton that there are no words to it. 

" The disarming of the Germans and the certainty of their 
quitting their locations will not improve Kafir matters. If 
Sandilli commits himself so as to justify the act, he should go 
to Robben Island to join his friends there. 

"Your Excellency's, 

" Very faithfully, 


Mr. Eawson, the Secretary to Government, found it 
necessary to go to England in 1860. Writing to Mr, 
Southey on the 21st June of that year, General Wynyard 
says, " Poor Eawson, they certainly do badger his life out, 
and that too in a most unreasonable way ; as I said before, 
£20,000 a year would not pay me or make me keep my 
temper." The fiery Mr. Molteno and the extremely astute 
Saul Solomon gave him an immense deal of trouble. Large 
sums were in those days expended by Government, in 
addition to the amounts voted by Parliament, while there 
was no Public Accounts Committee, and the Auditor-General 


possessed comparatively little power. But the great subject 
of heart-burning and controversy vras " liesponsible Govern- 
ment," in favour of which a definite resolution was moved 
by Mr. Molteno in 1860. On this occasion the much- tried 
Mr. Eawson, as well as Mr. Porter, the Attorney-General, 
declared their conviction that the present time was in theory 
and practice quite suitable for the introduction of this new 
system of Government. This opinion was not, however, shared 
by the majority of the Executive Council, or by Mr. Southey. 
At this time the Colony was undoubtedly heavily in debt, 
while the country suffered severely from drought, and the 
revenue was unequal to the expenditure. A cool, determined, 
unexcitable, and efficient man grasped the helm of State 
when, on Mr. Eawson going to England on leave in 1860, 
Mr. Southey took his place. 

It was only in the year 1860 that the first electric 
telegraphs were opened in the Cape Colony, and it was on 
the 17th September of the same year that the first truck- 
load of stones for the Table Bay breakwater was tilted by 
Prince Alfred. The province of British Kaffraria remained 
separated from the Cape Colony until 1865, and then on its 
annexation a corresponding increase was made in the mem- 
bership of both Houses of the Legislature. The revenue was 
comparatively small, and therefore the progress of the public 
works of the Colony bore proportion to its income. It was 
the day of small things. Wool was the great article of ex- 
port, and came principally from the Eastern districts, ostrich- 
farming and the mohair industry were only beginning, while, 
with the exception of copper-mines in Namaqualand, no 
mineral treasures were known to exist. 

Sir Philip Wodehouse, who succeeded Sir George Grey, 
was a most honourable, upright Conservative. Eesponsible 
government did not meet with his approval, and the abuses 
of Divisional Councils deserved his sharp animadversions. 
Outside of the Colony he had to mediate between Moshesh 
and the Orange Free State; but fortunately the distracted 


condition of the South African Eepublic did not go so far 
as to require intervention. There Mr. Stephanus Schoeman, 
Acting President, raised an armed force to support his 
authority, upon which Commandant Paul Kruger called 
out the burghers of Eustenburg. Schoeman was expelled 
from Pretoria, and eventually defeated at Potchefstroom and 
forced to flee to the Orange Free State. There was another 
civil war in 1863, when Commandant Jan Viljoen took the 
lead ; but Kruger, at the head of the Government, succeeded 
in defeating him. In 1864, Mr. W. Pretorius peacefully 
took the oath of office as President. Then came wars with 
the natives. The country was sparsely peopled by an 
ignorant class of Boers, who were constantly quarrelling 
among themselves, and the country was not a very favour- 
able one for general agricultural operations. But the dawn 
of prosperity may be said to have become observable when, 
in December, 1867, a German explorer named Carl Mauch 
arrived at Pretoria from Matabeleland, reporting that he had 
discovered rich and extensive goldfields. 

It was in 1866, on a lonely farm in a dreary part of 
South Africa, that the first diamond was found ; but not 
until June, 1871, that the richest mine the world had ever 
known was discovered in the dry diggings at Voruitzight, 
in the place now known as Kimberley. Mineral treasures 
have thoroughly revolutionized South Africa, and the peace- 
ful, calm times before their advent — the sixties — was very 
different indeed from the exciting, speculating, " advanced " 
period which covered the latter portion of the century. Mr. 
Southey, although naturally liberal in his treatment of all 
men, was undoubtedly conservative in his ideas and ten- 
dencies. The military tradition of obedience and loyalty 
were firmly imprinted on his heart, and, with industry, 
intelligence, and thorough knowledge of the Colony, he 
became a most trusted and invaluable adviser, both to the 
Governors who ruled during his term of ofi&ce and the 
Parliament of the Colony. 


The letters of Lieut. -General Wynyard are numerous, 
and, in many cases, nearly undecipherable because of the 
General writing an exceedingly bad hand. They always 
appear to have been written in a very hurried and careless 
manner. He had at one time what he styles a " Lilliputian 
Farm;" and the references to his pigs, the Tambookies, 
insufficient troops, and the settlement of the German legion 
are very confusing. He discusses frontier matters, expresses 
great fear both of Tambookies and Tingoes — as he trusts 
neither — and does not look hopefully upon the future of the 
German Military Settlement in Kaffraria. He writes on 
the 12th May, 1860— 

" Sir George will be here in a few days, and on his heels will 
arrive Prince Alfred, who will, while here, i.e. at the Cape, 
visit Port Elizabeth and Grahamstown. You might quietly 
give Graham a hint." 

It is noticeable that he held the highest opinion of 
Mr. Southey. In writing to the Horse Guards recommend- 
ing that a commission in the Cape Mounted Eifles should 
be given to Mr. Southey's son, he says — 

*' The unassuming but faithful detail of Mr. Southey's 
services on every occasion when he could in any way assist 
the Government, the satisfactory manner in which his Colonial 
duties have invariably been performed, and the estimation in 
which he is held, not only by the Governor-in-Chief, but by the 
community at large, all encourage me to make this appeal." 

We shall see, from subsequent correspondence, how 
much Mr. Southey's efforts were appreciated in connection 
with the visit of the Duke of Edinburgh at a later date. 
When writing about business in Parliament, General Wyn- 
yard is lost in admiration of Mr. Eawson's hard work, and 
praises his fortitude in bearing the furious attacks of the 
Eesponsible Government party. 

The following extracts from Mr. Eawson's letters throw 
light on persons and events of the day : — 


" Colonial Office, 30tli July, 1860. 

"My dear Southey, — At an Executive Council held this 
morning, it was formally decided and recorded that you are to 
act for me during my absence in England, and that I might 
leave by the first opportunity that offers. Sir G. did not say 
anything about your coming up at once, and I had no time to 
ask him. It was a hurried meeting, with the Prince present, 
just before their departure for the Paarl. It is evident, how- 
ever, that Sir G. wishes to meet you at Grahamstown, and that 
he will arrange with you there when you shall come up. 

"I have nearly cleared off" Parliamentary work, and shall 
endeavour to complete this before I leave. If not, I will leave 
everything in train for you. I shall, happily, not leave you in 
the distress for money from which I have been suffering for 
months past. 

"The party return to town on "Wednesday, and start on 
Thursday in the Euryalus for Algoa Bay. They will go to 
Natal if nothing unexpected hinders, and return here as early 
as possible in September. 

" Ever yours truly, 

"Rawson W. Eawson." 

"At Sea, 27tli August, 1860. 
"My dear Southey, — 


" Porter impressed me to a dinner at his house on the day 
before I left Cape Town, and I was obliged on my arrival at 
home that evening to sit up to 4 a.m. to clear off" my papers, and 
pack up for my early morning start from Claremont. 


" Layard * is a capital fellow. He has kept all my private 
correspondence, and I believe is perfectly safe, although a great 
chatterer about other things. I have allowed him great liberty 
as the Curator of the Museum, and the others do not complain. 

" Judge, Collard, English, senr., and Hall are excellent, so 
also is Elliott. Be kind to Todd ; he is the son of one of my 
oldest friends. 

* The author of a work on the " Birds of South Africa," and brother of 
Nineveh Layard." 


"Porter and Rivers will let you know what has been done, 
and intended, in the matter of finance and drawing money from 
England. After you get £20,000 in September, I should hope 
£10,000 a month will suffice. 

"Try and pay back the £10,000 which we owe to the 
Commissariat as soon as you can. The proceeds of recent land 
sales will help you to do this. The Master may be satisfied with 
Crown Land bonds for the repayment of his debt. Make De 
Smidt press the sending up of these bonds. 

" In the matter of gaols and railway, Scott-Tucker and Bell 
respectively can tell you what has been done and intended. 
The correspondence on the ballast question has been printed. 
That of the site of the Cape Town station has to be settled. 
Try and arrange this with Sir George when he comes back. 
The permanent station would be best at the root of the central 
jetty, and as there must be a communication between the new 
breakwater and docks and the railway, the new ground required 
there and behind the shambles and Commissariat might be made 
at once, or as soon as possible. 

" Brounger is a well-intentioned but very cranky and timid 
person, difficult to deal with. His letters al^out the ballast will 
open his character to you. Pickering, the contractor, appears 
very open and manageable, but is very deep and slippery. Beware 
of him. 

" You will find Scott-Tucker a very pleasant fellow-labourer 
— very quick and ready, but not thrifty. 

* * * * * 

" I have given Vigors a mem. of the several Civil Com- 
missioners who are anxious for promotion or exchange for your 
information. But they will probably all write to you themselves. 
Judge, in your office, looks for early promotion. Fry, too, needs 
it, as Judge Bell may cast him adrift at any time. 

" I believe there is only one disagreeable matter which I 
leave for you to settle ; that is, the materials for the Sunday's 
River bridge, which I ordered in England last year without 
any definite estimate. Tucker said it might cost about £8000. 
It appears, however, that it may cost twice that sum, and the 
question of this would cost us much time. The bridge could 
not be completed under £25,000 or £30,000. I have therefore 
stopped the order ; and if the materials cannot be disposed of in 


England, we may have to forfeit some £2000 or £3000 to the 
contractor. Tucker will tell you all about it. This is far 
preferable to going on with the work. A bridge at Tunbridges 
will cost half the money, and will serve for the Zuurberg as well 
as Grahamstown line ; and if a railway or tramway be carried 
to or near Grahamstown, that will render any bridge on the 
lower line unnecessary. I did not say anything about it in 
Parliament last session, because I hoped that Pickering would 
take the materials off our hands, in which case our outlay will 
be very trifling — only the fee to the engineer employed to prepare 
drawings and order the materials. I shall see Mr. Julyan * about 
the matter on my arrival. 

" There is a Mr. Wollaston whom I recommend to your 
notice. Sir G. Grey is also interested in him. He is great in 
telegraphs and a good engineer. I have arranged with Tucker 
to give him temporary employment, for which he has been 
waiting a long time. 

" I do not at present recollect anything else. You will find 
Sir G. Grey an altered person — uninterested in anything but his 
own misery. I never troubled him with anything I could settle 
myself, or I thought he would not like me to settle without 
speaking to him. This was the same for some months before 
he left for England, when he was full of his recall. 

"Adieu. I shall probably prepare a chapter of notes taken 
during the session, which I have not had time to write off, and 
may occupy part of my idle time on board with them. 

* * -X- 45- * 

" Believe me, 

" Ever yours truly, 

"Rawson W. Rawson." 

" Caithward, Co. Down, 1st November, 1860. 
"My dear Southey, — 


"I am glad to hear that everything went off so well on the 

occasion of Prince Alfred's last visit to Cape Town. I have 

sat down half a dozen times to read the Argus account of his 

progress, but the engagements and interruptions in a country 

* The Crown A^ent for the Colonies. 


house are innumerable, and I have not got beyond Warner and 
the Tambookies. 

"We are all flourishing, very happy, as you may suppose, 
meeting a host of relations scattered through this country. 

" Tell Mrs. Southey, with our united kind remembrances, 
that I was much amused to-day at hearing the bodyguard of 
ladies at Grahamstown referred to as one of the chief notabilities 
of the Prince's visit to the Cape. 

" Let me know if there is anything I can do for you in 

" Ever yours truly, 

"Rawson W. Rawson." 

'•Killinchy, Slst December, 1860. 

" My dear Southey, — 


"Your account of the state of the Cape Exchequer is un- 
satisfactory. I had hoped that with the money obtained from 
England, and with the Revenue in most branches flourishing, 
the Treasurer would have been more at his ease. The expendi- 
ture will exceed the estimates on account of payments under 
Acts of Parliament, for which provision has been made in the 
Loan Account (Act) of last session. But you are doubtless 
right in keeping down expenditure in every possible way. We 
must try to square expenditure with income, though by what 
process without cramping public works I know not, if the good 
people will have no increase of taxation. 

"Tucker ought to be very careful. If there is anything 
wrong in his department before next session the violence of 
the last will be i-enewed. Try and reduce the establishment 
at headquarters. This was the cheval de bataille against us 
last session. I am surprised to hear that he regrets not being 
connected with the railways, he was so anxious to be relieved 
of it from the very commencement, and certainly Bell has been 
able to do a great deal which, I think, Tucker would never have 
had the patience and the local experience to efiect. I am also 
surprised to hear that Tucker has no recollection of what was 
proposed with regard to Wollaston. He was to have selected 


the line for the telegraph to Grahamstown, to ascertain the 
materials available en route, and to have inspected and reported 
on the Kowie Harbour Works. But it is now too late. I am 
sorry that a good man, as I believe Wollaston to be, has not 
obtained employment under the Government. 
" Believe me, 

"Yours very truly, 

"Rawson W. Rawson." 

Mr. Southey narrowly escaped drowning. Mr. Carlisle 
(Deputy- Sheriff, Grahamstown) says — 

" 3rd January, 1861. 
" What an escape you have all had ! It reads like a story 
in a novel. Most providential was it that the ladies did not 
accompany the gentlemen in your apparently frail bark. . . . 
But remember, my good friend, that Acting Colonial Secretaries 
do not abound in this country just now." 

Sir George Grey writes — 

" George, Ist January, 1861. 
" My dear Southey, — Many happy returns of the New 
Year to yourself and Mrs. Southey. I write to congratulate 
you upon your wonderful escape, and the cool courage and 
presence of mind which you showed. Poor Mrs. Southey must 
have suffered dreadfully until you were safe. I have no news 
to give you here. No further letters of importance have reached 
me. I sent you up all the despatches. I have no ink that I 
can write with. 

" Truly yours, 

" G. Grey." 

It may be interesting to give a full account of the escape 
from drowning which occurred at Zeekoe Vlei on the Cape 
Flats, where Mr. Dumbleton, who then lived at Wynberg, 
had a boat for duck-shooting, which capsized in a squall, 
when every one in it had a narrow escape. It was during 
a picnic, and the ladies were on shore not far from 
the scene of the disaster, but the wind and roughness of the 
water made it impossible to swim in their direction. The 


boat was completely submerged, leaving, however, about four 
feet of mast above water. The party consisted of Mr. 
Dumbleton and his son, a mere lad, Mr. Southey and two 
sons (E. G., now Colonel Southey, and Juan Southey, a boy 
of ten), as well as Messrs. C. J. and H. Barry. Fortunately 
all could swim. Dumbleton took in the seriousness of the 
situation at a glance, and helped his son to get to the mast. 
He then exchanged a few words with Mr. Southey, and at 
once struck out to leeward, although nearly the whole 
breadth of the lake had to be crossed. Mr. Southey then 
took charge of the remainder of the party; the two small 
boys were put on to the mast, while the others were directed 
to swim about. Two at a time were permitted to rest 
against the wreck, wliile instructed to lower their bodies 
in the water to the utmost, so as to avoid putting too much 
strain on the mast. 

The party watched Dumbleton's progress with very deep 
anxiety, and their relief may be imagined when they 
eventually saw him touch ground and wade towards the 
shore. Their trouble, however, was not yet over, for after 
landing he had to cross over to Eonde Vlei, and with the 
assistance of a couple of the cart-drivers carry his very 
small dingey over to windward of the wreck, and then 
begin the rescue. The boat was so small and the wind so 
high that after the first trip with the two boys Dumbleton 
could only take one at a time. Mr, Southey was the last 
to leave the wreck, and it was undoubtedly due to his 
coolness in directing operations that the party escaped 
drowning — the time from the capsizing of the boat to the 
last trip of the dingey having occupied over two hours. 

The plight the gentlemen were in after landing was 
ludicrous. To enable them to swim freely they had been 
obliged to divest themselves of nearly all their garments. 
Mr. Barry's (afterwards Sir Jacob Barry) costume consisted 
of his tall hat and an eye-glass, which he had stuck to 
throughout. Colonel Southey assumed the role of a white 


Kafir, with a carriage-rug as a kaross, and the remainder of 
the party had to be content with such garments as the ladies 
were kind enough to divest themselves of for their accom- 
modation. In this manner the picnic party returned to 
Mr. Dumbleton's residence, where that gentleman's wardrobe 
was freely drawn upon, regardless of fit, and a particularly 
merry evening was subsequently spent. 

" St. Augustine's, Hurst Green, 2nd July, 1861. 

" My dear Southey, — 


" I thank you for writing me at so much length while 
your hands are full with Parliamentary business. You do 
not describe your experience of the Houses, but as they 
seem very well pleased with you I hope you are equally so 
with them. Adamson has sent me the votes and debates. 
There does not appear to have been anything very stormy 
in either House up to the departure of the mail. Finance 
is obviously the source of real difficulty. Separation, as pro- 
posed by Harries' bill, is a humbug, and he must see it. Its 
rejection will serve as another grievance to keep agitation alive, 
and Dr. Way salaried for another period, long or short. Who 
could have been rash enough to expect a Pote or Franklin to 
surrender their own opinion if they stood among thousands of 
Solons or Solomons (not he of the printing office), and I confess 
that I should have an a priori objection to support any bill 
proposed by a Painter (painter I was going to write) and 
supported by a Slater. I had some hope that Sir G. Grey, 
who seemed to think most of the Eastern Province, and to 
consider that it did not get justice from the Western Members, 
both of Parliament and Executive, might have struck out, and 
suggested some feasible plan of separation. I really do not 
expect anything from the Members of the Somerset Convention, 
or any such. 

" I cannot say that I disagree with you in respect of the 
view you take of the Constitution ordinance, and the position 
of the affairs of the Executive Government under it. The Parlia- 
ment was intended to legislate, and therefore to initiate legislation. 
But they may fairly ask how can they be expected to do it ? 



" If your experiment with the Finance Committee succeeds — 
and I hope it will — I shall bo very glad. It will save me and 
my successor anxiety of one kind, though whether it will nob 
involve us in a fresh anxiety equally harassing is doubtful. I 
like the selection of your Committee, and hope you will be able 
to get them to work steadily. You write cheerfully of your 
prospects in it. I shall be impatient to receive your next 
letters. My only regret is that this burden should have fallen 
upon you, and not upon me. Many thanks to you and Porter 
for your defence of me. Of course I was prepared for plenty 
of abuse. The Parliament would not be disposed to take its 
share of blame, and the Government share must fall on me. 
But, as far as I have read, I have got off tolerably well. Wicht 
and De Wet will doubtless open a battery of 64-pounders on 
me. If they did but know how little they disturb my 
peace ! 

' ' I read through your statement upon moving for the Finance 
Committee last night. I do not quite understand how you make 
out a deficit of £200,000, but if you are into them for a penny 
it may as well be for a pound. And it will be a great comfort 
not to be pinched for ways and means, as we have been for the 
last two years. 

" How could you afford to lose Vigor's services in the Executive 
Council ? Has De Smidt buckled on his armour, or rather un- 
buckled his backbone, and laid himself to the oars with a will 1 
I am sorry to hear from Porter that there is no chance of a 
Sheriff being appointed, and therefore none of a transfer which 
might provide for him. 

" I rejoice at the safe arrival of the Waldensian. I hope 
there is some vessel to replace her while she is under repair. 
The steamers on the coast are a great comfort. I wish it were 
within our means to have a second to England via Pt. Elizabeth 
and Mauritius. 

" I met John Barry lately. He looks very well. I called on 
Joseph B., and he on me, but we missed one another. I did not 
see Robinson. The Duke of Newcastle told me lately that he 
did not intend to be in a hurry in nominating Sir G. Grey's 
successor, so you are likely to have Wynyard as your chief for 
some time. I am to dine with the Duke on the 10th inst., to 
celebrate the Queen's birthday. Both he and Mr. Fortescue were 


very civil. They seem to be afraid of responsible Government 
for the Colony, but to be prepared to grant it whenever asked 
for. There is a rumour of the Duke being about to marry the 
Princess Mary, but it is scarcely probable. The Queen has been 
much upset by the death of the Duchess of Kent. I have not 
seen any one who was at the late drawing-room, but I hear that 
the second one will not be held, and there will be no more 
levees. I believe it is true that the Queen is enceinte. The 
Prince of Wales has gone over to Ireland. 

"I wonder how Sir G. will get away from the Cape? He 
will scarcely find a convenient direct opportunity. His appoint- 
ment to New Zealand appears to have given general satisfaction. 

" Remember me very kindly to Mrs. Southey, 
" And believe me, 

" Yours ever truly, 

f' Rawson W. Rawson," 

"Bangor, Co. Down, 2nd September, 1861. 
" My dear Southey, 

" I do not know much of the detail of the preceding month's 
doings in Parliament except from your letter. I congratulate 
you upon having got so much out of the Assembly. If you have 
as good fortune with the Council, I trust there will be a comfort- 
able feather bed for the new Governor to lie upon. You will 
hear of the appointment of Mr. Wodehouse. I think that he 
and Mrs. W. will be much liked at the Cape. He has no children, 
and she likes society, and will, I should expect, avoid the exclu- 
siveness of her predecessor. I met them both some years ago, 
and, if they are not changed, it will be pleasant to meet them 
again in our new relations. He was at the Duke of Newcastle's 
birthday dinner before his nomination to the Cape, and I had a 
good deal of conversation with him then. 

" Yours, etc., 

" Rawson W, Rawson." 

In a letter dated 4th October, 1861, Mr. Eawson says — 

" You may well say, what shall we do when Porter leaves ? 
Who can replace him 1 Alas ! I repeat this daily to myself. If 


we could unbench E. B. Watermeyer,* he might do, if he could 
bring himself to work with irresponsible colleagues, etc. By the 
wayri have heard lately from Molteno. He is in Edinburgh, 
where his wife has been confined. He is going abroad." 

* A distinguished judge of the Supreme Court, who died at a com- 
paratively early age. 


The Colonial Parliament of 1861 — The Acting Colonial Secretary's success- 
Letters from Sir G. Grey and Commandant Currie — Arrival of Sir P. E- 
Wodehouse — Letters from Sir John Cowcll — Laud laws — Letters from 
Sir P. E, Wodehouse — The dispute with Moshesh — Letters from Sir 
John Barrow — Mr, Southey appointed permanently to be Colonial 
Secretary — Politics of the day — The Session of 1865— Visit of Prince 
Alfred -Sessions of 1866-7-8. 

THE Session of the Colonial Parliament opened in 1861 
on the 26th April, and in the Governor's speech there 
was for the first time an announcement of financial difficulties. 
The revenue certainly had continued to increase, but so had 
the expenditure, and in a greater degree. The other leading 
subjects of the day were the demand for " separation " by 
the people of the Eastern Province, and that of " Eesponsible 
Government " by the strong party of whom Mr. Molteno was 
the head.* The extension of British influence over a con- 
siderable part of the country between the Kei and Natal was 
also one of the important subjects under consideration. 
Motions were defeated in favour of separation and " Kemoval 
of the seat of Government." When the Estimates were 
brought forward, Mr. Southey gave great satisfaction by his 
Budget speech. Writing of this, General Wynyard said — 

*' It is far the best and most straightforward thing of the kind 
I have seen for many days. It is clear and comprehensive. 
They expected too much of Rawson. He, on the other hand, was 
too ready to do everything for them." 

* For full details of Mr. Molteno's policy and political career, see The 
Life and Times of Sir John Charles Molteno, by P. A. Molteno. London : 
Smith, Elder & Co., 1900. 


Mr. A. G. Bain writes — 

"Allow me to congratulate you upon the happy and 
triumphant manner in which you have got through your most 
arduous and very difficult duties of Chancellor of the Exchequer. 
You have taken us all by surprise, and every one on the frontier 
is loud in your praise, while the Colonial Press is in your favour." 

Fair financial arrangements were agreed to by Parliament. 
In fact, the Acting Colonial Secretary, by means of industry, 
tact, and moderation, became a complete success. He was, 
above all things, a straightforward, capable business man, 
applying his common sense to the tasks of legislation and of 
Executive Government. In a despatch to the Duke of JSTew- 
castle, dated 14th August, 1861, Sir George Grey reports 
that "Mr. Southey conducted the Government business 
throughout the entire Session with very marked ability, and 
great moderation, coolness, and temper." Parliament was 
prorogued on the 14th August, 1861, and the day afterwards 
Sir George Grey left the shores of South Africa for New 
Zealand. Shortly after his arrival there, he wrote the following 
note to Mr. Southey : — 

" Qovernment House, Auckland, 20th October, 1861. 
"My dear Southey, — I have written a long letter to Porter, 
who will tell you all the news, but I cannot help writing you a few 
lines to say how fresh in my memory are the good and faithful 
services you have rendered in South Africa. I hope matters will 
go well here. It is not yet quite certain that such will be the 
case, but I have good hopes. 

" My kindest regards to Mrs. Southey and your children. 
" Believe me, dear Southey, 

" Very truly yours, 

" G. Grey." 

At this stage it seems desirable briefly to review the 
career of this great Governor in South Africa. 

Sir George Grey was a Julius Ca3sar among Governors, 
but a dictator of ability and rectitude was required in the 
Cape Colony, and His Excellency admirably performed the 


part. By means of his wisdom, a native war was averted, a 
sound native policy originated, German immigrants intro- 
duced, and five thousand troops sent from South Africa to aid 
the Indian Government at the time of the Mutiny. Every- 
thing he did seemed to meet the approval both of Her 
Majesty's Government and of the people of the Cape Colony. 
However, in February, 1858, a new Imperial Ministry 
came into power, and Lord Stanley, the Colonial Secretary, 
informed Sir George Grey that the annual grant for British 
Kaffraria would be reduced from je40,000 to £20,000. As 
the biographers of this Governor tell us — 

" Almost denuded of troops, with 40,000 strange Kafirs just 
brought within its boundaries, dependent for the peace of the 
country upon the smoothness and regularity with which the 
functions of Government could be carried on, the representative 
of the Crown, and the sole governing power of Kaifraria, was 
informed by the Imperial Government in June that his supplies 
for the year were ah'eady spent, and he could receive no more,"*' 

The announcement that he was to make bricks without 
straw, or, in other words, do what was impossible, came upon 
the great Viceroy like a thunder-clap. He had certainly 
deserved better of his country. Important treaties with 
salaried native chiefs could not be carried out, and the 
fatuity of Downing Street was never better exemplified than 
in thwarting the policy of the best and most able adminis- 
trator South Africa had ever known. To save British 
Kaffraria, Sir George Grey paid into its treasury £6000 of 
his own private money. The most earnest remonstrances 
possible were made to England, and every effort used to show 
the Home Government its mistake. 

The Sovereignty had become "The Orange Free State," 
and fiercely warred with the Basutos under Moshesh. Sir 
George Grey successfully mediated between the combatants, 
made peace, and arranged boundaries. In spite of all his 

* Life and Times of Sir George Grey, by W. L. Kees & L. Rees. London, 1892 . 


great services, the Governor was evidently not a persona 
grata in the estimation of Lord Stanley and Sir E. B. Lytton. 
Lord Carnarvon, the political Under-Secretary, seemed par- 
ticularly opposed to Sir George Grey. The views of Mr. 
Southey and the Governor were identical, and the latter, in 
despatches, clearly points out that the opinions which had 
been formed in England regarding the Cape and its people 
were altogether opposed to the facts. As the biographers of 
Sir George Grey correctly say — 

" Had such reports been true, had the people been rebels 
unscrupulous and greedy, had the country been a waterless 
desert, and useless to Great Britain save for the possession of 
two harbours, then the policy of dismemberment, which had 
already been commenced by the abandonment of the Orange 
Free State, would have been good and sufiScient. But the 
Governor consistently affirmed that the opinions which had been 
formed in England regarding the Cape and its people, the land 
of South Africa and its various inhabitants, were altogether 
opposed to the facts." * 

On the 5th May, 1859, the Home Government expressed its 
dissatisfaction at Sir George Grey having brought before the 
Colonial Parliament the question of a federation of South 
African countries, and on 4th June, 1859, Sir E. B. Lytton 
commanded him to surrender the Government and to return 
to England. There was immense indignation throughout 
South Africa at the recall of a man who had secured peace 
and good government by five years of good administration. 
Mr. Southey, with other leading men, felt exceedingly 
aggrieved that the hopes of future prosperity, based upon a 
wise and firm policy, should be ruthlessly and foolishly swept 
away. But, in Lord Carnarvon's words, Sir George Grey 
was " a dangerous man, who must be got rid of." The whole 
people of South Africa, however — Dutch, English, and natives 
— rose in expostulation, and the result of their universal 

* The Life and Times of Sir George Grey, K.C.B., by W. L. Eces & L. 
Kees (Loudon, 1892), vol. ii. p. 277. 


prayer was successful. Lord Derby's ministry resigned, and 
the new Ministry at once reappointed Sir George Grey. The 
Duke of ISTewcastle, however, took care to announce that, 
while giving every credit to the Governor for patriotism, 
wisdom, and foresight, the Cabinet could not in any way 
agree to a confederation of South African States. 

Early in 1860, Sir George Grey returned to Cape Town, 
and in this year had the pleasure of welcoming the Sailor 
Prince (Alfred) to the Colony. Mr. Southey materially 
assisted in making the visit extremely successful, and, as a 
first-rate sportsman, was able to arrange satisfactorily for the 
great Knysra elephant-hunt. Within twelve months of the 
visit of the son of the Queen to South Africa, Sir George 
Grey was informed by the Imperial Government that his 
presence was earnestly required in New Zealand, and he 
promptly obeyed the call. For eight years he had governed 
the Cape Colony. In his time numerous hospitals and 
colleges were established, the Table Bay breakwater com- 
menced, the first sod of the first railway turned, and, above 
all things, salutary reforms instituted in the conduct of 
native affairs. The plan of Sir George Grey was — 

" to gain an influence over all the tribes inhabiting the borders 
of the Colony, through British Kaffraria eastward to Natal, by 
employing them on pubhc works, opening up the country by 
establishing institutions for the education of their children and 
the relief of their sick, by introducing amongst them laws and 
regulations suited to their condition, and by these and other 
means gradually winning them to Christianity and civilization, 
thus changing by degrees your apparently irreconcilable foes 
into friends having common interests with yourselves." 

No form of Government could have been more congenial 
to Sir George Grey than that of the Cape, where he ruled 
supreme, without being trammelled by responsible Govern- 
ment tactics, or indeed any species of Parliamentary opposi- 
tion. The members of the Executive Council had merely to 


do as they were told, and as the dictator was wise, the 
Government of the country was successful. 

From the Camp near Bashee, on the 9th November, 1861, 
Commandant Currie writes — 

"My dear Southey, — I have written a long official for the 
purpose of your getting the new Governor to take this country 
up as soon as possible. Kreli has made another damnable mis- 
take, and brought famine on his people again before he could go 
in at us, and this is a fine opportunity for us to take advantage, 
occupy, and manage a country which the niggers won't do for 
themselves. Don't you send us any orders to feed the beggars, 
and we shall not have so many to fight next time. You may be 
sure I wish them all the good in the world, but I also wish them 
all dead. I wish you to send me a commission to act as a J.P. 
beyond the boundary. 

" I do not expect to remain longer than another fortnight 
here. By that time I hope to leave everything in good order, 
and Kreli's people starved to death. I have not seen Joey yet. 
I believe he fancies I am going to do great things for him. I send 
you a note just received from Chalmers. Kreli, supposing I am 
going to march into his country, is trying the old Kafir dodge, 
getting his cattle out of the way. He certainly is sending them 
into the lion's mouth ; we shall not take the trouble to return 
them. I never told him I was going into his country, but I 
suppose a guilty conscience wants no accuser. He is in a mortal 
funk ; he has no back country to fly to, and, if we did attack him, 
his only safety would be this way along the sea coast between 
the Bashee and Kei. I have sent down to see if any tracks of 
cattle have come through lower down, and, if so, shall be after 
them sharp. But if we want to polish him off for ever we must 
wait for about six weeks longer, and he, with the whole of the 
population between the Bashee and the Umtata, will have fairly 
eaten themselves up. Famine is playing the devil already ; they 
have not a grain of corn, and their cattle are dying with hunger. 
Their crops, such as they have, will not be fit for use before 
March next ; they must break up at once and scatter, or perish 
in a heap. We are keeping the best look-out not to let them 
come this way, but starving devils are devils indeed, and it will 


be difficult to stop them. I enclose you a ' Pass ' for your infor- 
mation, showing what a set of muffs our magistrates are, and 
how unfit to carry out the laws entrusted to them. This pass is 
given to a Kafir by Fichat — fourteen days to seek service — and 
he quietly gets every magistrate on his line of march to give 
fourteen days more, until he reaches Kafirland, where he turns 
up with four horses at last. He should have been put on the 
roads by every one who signed his pass. Now I should say 
that those who signed the pass should serve on the roads for not 
doing their duty. I dare say you can give them a rub up for it. 
It is raining like blazes just now, just the right sort of thing to 
polish off the hungry Kafir. Can't you write a little oftener 
now that there is no Parliament ? 

" With love to your wife, and Dick, and baby, 

"Yours truly, 

" W. CURRIE." 

The new Governor, Sir P. E. Wodehouse, arrived in the 
Colony on the 5th January, 1862. 

On the 7th December, 1861, a despatch was sent to the 
Secretary of State recommending Mr. Southey for the 
post of Treasurer and Accountant-General of the Colony, 
rendered vacant by the death of Mr. Harry Pvivers. In fact, 
subject to Her Majesty's approval, he had already been 
appointed to act. Very high praise is accorded to Mr. 
Southey for the excellent manner in which he had performed 
the duties of Acting-Colonial Secretary. 

A comparatively calm, quiet epoch in Mr. Southey's life 
now arrived. Of course, as a Member of the Executive 
Council, he participated in the councils of Government, and, 
administering a large and important department, did his 
share of executive work. But in 1864, when the much-tried 
and indomitable Mr. Ptawson retired, Mr. Southey very 
naturally and most deservedly received the permanent 
appointment of Colonial Secretary of the Colony, which he 
held until the advent of responsible Government required 
him to retire on a pension in the year 1872. 

There is a good deal of correspondence about a despatch 


reinstating Mr. Southey, which was missing from the records, 
and (as Mr. Southey says, writing to Sir John Barrow in 

" eventually found crumpled up and lying among a lot of 
Parliamentary Blue-books and other printed papers. It had 
the appearance of waste paper. On examination, I find that 
it has never been bound up with the others, and I conclude, 
therefore, that both it and that about the Road Board (No. 90 
of 1853) must have been intentionally kept by Lieutenant- 
Governor Darling." 

Among the letters of the year 1862 is the copy of one 
from Mr. Southey addressed " My dear Innes," and dated 
31st January. In this he says — 

" I was applied to yesterday by a person named Klersk, a 
perfect stranger to me, but who said he was in the employ of 
Cauvin, the auctioneer, to present to Mr. de Roubaix, on behalf 
of the inhabitants of Riversdale, certain articles of plated ware, 
which he had, at the request of Mr. Theunissen, purchased at 
De Pass' sale for that purpose, since which a suitable inscription 
had been engraved upon the articles. The people of Riversdale 
were very anxious that the presentation should take place on 
Mr. de Roubaix's birthday, the 1st February. I regretted that 
I should at all stand in the way of their wishes being realized, 
but felt compelled to decline to act under existing circumstances, 
and so the matter ended as far as I was concerned. 

:^ * * ■'.- * 

" Get Mr. Fairbairn, your Member of the Assembly, to 
perform the duty. 

'* I never regarded Mr. de Roubaix's public services as any- 
thing more than the ordinary run of such services rendered by 
other people ; but if it were otherwise up to the last session of 
Parliament, I should regard his participation then in the refusal 
to vote the £10,000 Colonial allowance for H.M. Troops as 
cancelling his previous claims." 

* :'.= if * * 

SIR JOHN CO well's LETTERS. 141 

As we have seen, Mr. Soiithey took an active part in 
receiving and entertaining Prince Albert, and the following 
interesting letters from Sir John Cowell were a sequel to 
the Duke of Edinburgh's visit to the colony — 

" H.M.S. St. George, Spithead, 2nd October, 1862. 

" My dear Sir, — Accept my best thanks for your kind 
letter of the 14th August, which I received, together with the 
newspapei's which you sent me, a few days ago. 

"The accounts given in these papers of the rejoicings at 
Port Elizabeth on Prince Alfred's bii-thday have been read by 
him and others with much interest, and he has asked me to 
request that you will have the kindness to express to the 
Proprietor (Mr. Impey) of the Port Elizabeth Herald how sensible 
His Royal Highness is of his attention. 

" The papers which we receive from the Cape from time to 
time are always perused with attention, and I rejoice with the 
Prince to see how steady the progress is. At times, as at present, 
unhappily, checks must be anticipated, but with the spirit 
evinced by all the Colonies in South Africa success is certain, 
and nothing could be more conducive to this than the system 
of railways, which is now being considered, and with them 
telegraphic communication. I was sorry to see that the rains 
had done so much damage, but could not believe that the 
railways had suffered to the extent of £50,000, and was glad 
to be assured of the facts by the engineer who contradicted the 
statement in the Times. 

"It is very gratifying to see how strong the feeling of 
loyalty is in all our Colonies. They have often given proof 
of this, but recent events have, if possible, strengthened this 
sentiment, and sooner or later it will be an immense element 
of power." 

if * * :•? * 

" H.M.S. Racoon, off Aberdeen, Ist July, 1863. 

" My dear Sir, — I had great pleasure in receiving your 
kind letter of the 30th of May, and in transmitting the news- 
papers which accompanied it to Prince Alfred. They were read, 
I can assure you, with great interest, and I am sure that the 
Prince of Wales must have been gratified by what I must call 
the remarkable feeling of loyalty and affection which was 


displayed in South Africa on the day of the celebration of his 
marriage. It is only by such demonstrations as these that 
we can estimate the love of our Colonies towards the mother 
country, and it is a source of just pride to every subject of the 
Queen when we see the spirit by which all are animated on such 
an occasion as this, 

" I have had the pleasure lately, with Prince Alfred, of seeing 
Mr. and Mrs. Van der Byl, and of talking over those happy days 
at the Cape." 

* if ^ ■If *■ 

" Balmoral, 2ad October, 1863. 

" My dear Mr. Southey, — Prince Alfred is very sensible of 
the kind recollections which all in South Africa retain of him. 
He had the pleasure of seeing General and Mrs. Wynyard soon 
after our return from Germany ; but I was sorry to see that he 
could not move about as formerly, and to observe a marked 
change in his appearance. I fear that the sad intelligence which 
this mail has brought him will throw him still further back. 

"It is some time since I saw Mr. and Mrs. Van der Byl, 
but I look forward to meeting them again at Christmas, when 
I hope to be in London. They were very much pleased to see 
Prince Alfred, and I can assure you that they welcomed him 
to a very handsome house, well suited to their hospitality. 

" We have all read with particular interest the account of 
the Alabama's doings at the Cape. I rather think that we 
in England were prepared for such a visit from rumours of 
her going to India, but we did not contemplate your having 
such a spectacle from Cape Town. 


" I am most happy to hear that the Colony is recovering 
from the effects of the drought, and in time to raise the spirits 
of the farmers, who have been depressed for some time. I can 
fancy how pleased the good people of Grahamstown must be at 
the prospect of having the Parliament to meet there, and if this 
should really take place, I hope that all parties will be reconciled 
to a measure which has a precedent in Canada, and which 
appears to be based upon the fairest principles. Time, no doubt, 
will work greater changes still, and you may some day have the 
seat of Government in a more central position than either, with 


Table and Algoa Bays for its ports ; but that will not be in our 

"In closing this, Prince Alfred desires to be remembered 
to you. 

" And believe me, 

" Yours very truly, 

" J. C. COWELL. 

" P.S. — Prince Alfred desires me to request that you will 
convey his acknowledgments to Mr. Impey for his attention in 
forwarding him the impressions of the Eastern Province Herald 
of the 7th August. He has read the account of the celebration 
of his birthday with great pleasure, and is most sensible of the 
kind feelings retained towards him." 

There is a touching letter from General Wynyard, the 
Lieutenant-Governor, in which he says, " Should I have 
to open Parliament, for goodness sake take doivn everything 
you think should be referred to in the opening address, and 
ask Mr. Porter to do the same." Among other letters there 
is one from the great Dr. Livingstone on the Zambesi, 
reporting not progress, but want of progress, as he was 
detained for a lengthy period, and was seriously anxious 
about the health of Miss Mackenzie, who was travelling 
into the interior to meet her brother, Bishop Mackenzie. 

Land grants in the Beaufort West Division in con- 
nection with the name of Sir John Molteno became a subject 
of public debate. The following letter was written to Sir 
P. E. Wodehouse by Mr. Southey : — 

" 5tli November, 1862. 

" My dear Sir Philip, — I have looked over the memoranda 
which you were good enough to send me with your Excellency's 
note of 27th ult., and I have put my notions thereon in the 
shape of a memo, which I will send herewith. 

" I quite concur in the views entertained by Bell and 
Denyssen, and I could not regard it otherwise than as a serious 
mistake if the Government were to initiate a measure calculated 


to deprive itself of the Crown property. I do not think there 
would be found in Parliament more than a very small minority 
(composed of interested parties) who would entertain such a 
proposition. A considerable majority in both Houses are, in 
my opinion, prepared to adopt an act which shall put an end 
to the Land Beacons Act at the expiration of the term for 
which the Act of last session was passed — of course, all things 
done lawfully under either of the two Acts remaining good. 

" To persons like myself, who have lived many years in this 
Colony, and had familiar experience in land matters, the rules 
and regulations applicable to Crown lands appear clear and 
definite, and it would be very difficult to persuade me that any 
one purchasing a farm can be misled as to its extent and limits 
to any great extent, 

" The Government of this Colony has at all times been very 
liberal in its treatment of claims for land. I have often con- 
sidered that the Surveyor-General erred on the side of liberality, 
altho' I myself should not object to add to a farm a little, so 
as to include a spring of water or a pool, or a piece of arable land 
that the owner had believed to be his own ; but the outrageous 
Salt River re-survey is too glaring an attempt at spoliation to be 

" Very truly yours, 


" Memo. 

" I should be extremely sorry to see a rule established such 
as is contemplated by the memo of H.E. the Governor of the 
16th October, 1862, on the above subject, by means of which 
unscrupulous individuals might obtain title to large extents of 
Crown lands, never granted, or intended to be granted, by the 
Government, or asked for by their predecessors. 

" There is, to my mind, a vast difierence between prescription 
in land matters applicable to private individuals, and prescription 
applicable to the Government or general public. I do not know 
what in law would constitute a prescriptive right to land on the 
part of an individual proprietor against other individual pro- 
prietors, but I can well understand that if I, a proprietor of 
land, allowed (through ignorance of my own rights or otherwise) 
my neighbour to enclose and cultivate, or to cultivate without 


enclosing, a part of my pi'operty for a long term of years without 
hindrance or dispute, he might thereby acquire a right to that 
property, for I should consider that I ought not to remain quiet 
until my neighbour had improved my property by the investment 
of money in its cultivation, and then to turn upon him and deprive 
him of it. I should not, however, so readily acquiesce in the 
justice of it. I should, however, be unable to see any justice in 
allowing an individual to acquire a title to land because of his 
own wilful neglect to fulfil the conditions under which he holds 
other lands, or to observe the specific laws of the country regard- 
ing land beacons, or because of his having for a lengthened period 
had the advantage of depasturing his stock on a tract of waste 
Crown lands not required to be otherwise appropriated." 

The followingr is a letter from the Governor : — 

" Swellendam, 27th October, 1862. 

"My dear Southey, — I wish you would look over these 
memoranda by Denyssen, Bell, and myself, arising more imme- 
diately out of the Beaufort-Molteno case, not applicable to the 
general treatment of such questions throughout the Colony. I 
do not think Denyssen and Bell quite appreciate the principle on 
which I propose to act. They look too much to the improper 
manner in which the party obtained the land, and wish to mulct 
him accordingly. I, on the other hand, take that as an admitted 
fact, as in the case of a squatter, and, recognizing certain careless- 
ness on the part of the Government, am mainly anxious to get a 
settlement of the landed property of the country, with certainly 
some additional revenue to the Government. 

" Moreover, it is indispensable to bear in mind the existing 
state of things, and the necessity for withdrawing the control of 
land matters from the Divisional Councils, and I am sure that 
our course would be much smoother if we made it clear that we 
did not intend to enforce rigidly the rights of the Crown. 

" Of course, the periods of possession mentioned in my memo 
may be too short ; that is merely a question of detail, if we once 
decided on the adoption of the principle. 

" Yours ever truly, 



All this land business resulted in the Government 
appointing a Commission, which took evidence, and their 
Eeport was presented to Parliament in the Session of 1864. 
Then, upon the motion of Mr. Molteno, the subject was 
finally disposed of. It was held that when a prescriptive right 
could be proved, the area should prevail against the diagram. 

General Wynyard says in one of his letters, "Poor 
Eawson ! They do badger his life out, and that in a most 
unreasonable way." Mr. Eawson must have been delighted 
to be relieved of his thankless of&ce, and was in due course 
sent to Bermuda as Governor. A good successor was wanted, 
a man who knew the country, its people, and its difficulties, 
who possessed sound judgment and very good temper. Such 
a person was chosen when, in 1864, Mr. Southey became 
Colonial Secretary. 

The following interesting letters from Sir. P. E. Wode- 
house bear reference to events of their time : — 

*' My dear Southey, — Rawson tells me by telegraph that 
you all approve of my proposals respecting the meeting of Parlia- 
ment and the preparation of business, so I hope you will not 
think me very hard-hearted in expressing a hope that your stay 
in Swellendam will not be very long, for I must trust to your 
doing all in your power to push things on, and to ensure our 
being ready when the time comes. That at least we may do, 
and I should be sorry to think we had diminished our small 
chances of success by any failure in that respect. 

" I am perfectly willing to go with you in attempting to 
devise means of prompt and ef&cient punishment of cattle stealers, 
and really I am not without hopes of success if the Parliament 
will behave reasonably. This is, however, I think, quite certain, 
that if the farmers require special punishments, they must be 
prepared to submit to special restrictions operating with some 
inconvenience on themselves. At Queenstown I hope to see 
many of them, and hear clearly what they want, and what they 
will submit to. I have just got a letter from Currie, who says 
he is prepared to give me full information after visiting all those 


" These rains will, no doubt, bring upon us in Parliament a 
fierce pressure for bridges, and I am looking for a tremendous 
representation from the General as to the want of communication. 
His letters from England, which left this from King William's 
Town on the 17th, are still on this side of the Keiskama, and we 
have had no communication from British Kaffraria. 

" Tell me if you think Porter is in good trim about our 
coming measures. I left him all right, and quite disposed to go 
forward. As to the division of the Supreme Court, I cannot say 
I am at all impressed with the force of the objections of the 
Judges. Watermeyer is essentially Cape Town, and the recom- 
mendations of the others amount to little. By-the-bye, I forgot 
to say that in all our plans for putting people up in this place, 
we have made no provision for you, taking it for granted that 
you would find your own quarters somewhere. If you want 
anything, let me know. Rawson says he is going to write to me 
about my journey to the Free State ; what about I can hardly 
guess, for the object, if indeed anything will come of it, is simple 
enough. The doubt is if old Moshesh will come to the scratch 
at all ; if not, of course, I shall turn back from Aliwal. Possibly, 
if he does agree, he may revert to the question of the appointment 
of a British Agent, which we dropped to please Pretorius, and 
the new President may well find it to his interest to withdraw 
the objections, if he can thus obtain the recognition of the 
boundary. Let me hear from you on this. Post closing. 

" Yours very truly, 

" Grahamstown, 2l8t February, 1864." 

" My dear Southey, — The Session of the Parliament is now 
so fast approaching that we cannot with safety delay taking into 
serious consideration what course we ought to pursue on the 
matters of British Kaffraria and separation, as until that is 
exclusively arranged it is impossible for us to see what we ought 
to do in respect to the Road Dept., Crown lands, and other 
questions, with which it is impossible for us to escape dealing in 
some shape. Some suggested the possibility, when the Secretary 
of State's despatch arrived, of abstaining this Session from any 
proposals to the Legislature, putting the despatches before them, 
and giving them and the country twelve months to think about 


it before submitting measures to the new Parliament. There is 
much that is tempting in this suggestion, not omitting present 
case, but I am afraid that the objections are of more weight. 
The financial difficulties of British Kafl'raria, the very objection- 
able state of the Transkei, are great objections to delay, added 
to which is the probability — not at the moment recollected by 
those who recommended it — that we should find ourselves in for 
two general elections within a year of each other. 

" It is hardly likely that we could avoid a dissolution when 
the annexation of Kaffraria comes to take efiect, if that 
should be left over to the new Parliament, and very likely the 
chance of the dissolution might go far to determine them against 
listening to any proposals for annexation. I believe it to be my 
duty, both to the best interests of this country, and to the 
Government under whom I serve, to endeavour to bring about 
the union of the two Colonies, and if the Council agree on that 
main view, we have only to consider in what manner, and at what 
time, we can best bring that about. 

" The Secretary of State is evidently more determined against 
anything having even the appearance of separation than I am 
myself, and if you look again at his despatch (which I now send 
you), it cannot but strike you that the legislative powers which 
he would give to the Provincial Councils would amount to almost 
nothing, little more than a power to create confusion and excite 
contention. It becomes a question, therefore, whether it would 
not be better to create them without any powers of legislation, 
except for purposes of local taxation and expenditure, and merely 
to assign to them administrative powers considerably greater, but 
better regulated, than those possessed by Divisional Councils, 
I am not sure that such a plan might not gain the assent of some 
of the Separationists, who have always looked more for executive 
than legislative influence. It would tend to break up the exces- 
sive local and family influence on the Divisional Councils ; it would 
place under local control transactions like the maintenance of 
the roads, which the Central Government has at present, owing 
to the vast extent of the country, much difficulty in supervising, 
and not the least of all it would remove, in a great degree, from 
the shoulders of the Central Government the responsibility and 
the task of devising new taxes required by the increasing expen- 
diture of the Colony. To raise the question, therefore, in a 


tangible form, I send you a few of the principal heads of a scheme 
to be further worked out, if as a foundation it seems good ; and 
I shall be very much obliged if you will go over the paper, give 
it your best consideration, and see me about it when I come in 
on Saturday. 

*' Yours ever truly, 

" 15th January, 1863." 

" My dear Southey, — Rawson has sent me the result of your 
discussions on this boundary question between the Free State 
and Moshesh, and you may rely on my not getting drawn into 
any active steps without ascertaining what both parties mean to 
have done, and upon what they will accept my decision as final, 
I agree that it is not my business to go and point out what is 
such a kop or spruit, etc. If that is all they want, other 
people can do it for them. But my impression is that Brand 
is so anxious to get the matter settled, and so anxious that he 
cannot get Warden's line as a whole, that he will be prepared 
to act on the give-and-take plan formerly adopted. And if that 
is so, I do not think I can with propriety refuse to help. I think 
I can get that question clearly determined before leaving Aliwal. 
Possibly we may hear something to-day from Burnet as to the 
disposition of Moshesh. 

" I confess to becoming a little more hopeful as to the 
prospects of the present Parliament. Perhaps you have seen 
the speeches of Harries and Chabaud at the Uitenhage Show. 
You will see that the latter announced his intention, and so 
forced Harries into an explanation almost to the same effect, of 
not attempting to create embarrassment in this Parliament on 
the question of separation, etc. I am half inclined to hope that 
this feeling is spreading, and that the Eastern men will come 
together disposed to be reasonable and quiet, in which case we 
shall have a very fair chance of getting the support of several 
Western and Midland men. A question is now rising out here 
on which I should like to know what you think — viz. the equali- 
zation of the number of Members, Eastern and Western, in the 
Council and the Assembly. It is very reasonable, and a change 
that the East may fairly try to efiect without exposing them- 
selves to the charge of faction. But at the same time, as we 


have announced our intention of abstaining from political changes, 
I am not inclined to make any Government move in the matter, 
but leave it to the Eastern Members to work out as they can — 
letting them understand that the Government is in no manner 
opposed to them. Let me hear what you think. 

" We are still without communication of any sort from King 
William's Town, though the weather for the last forty-eight 
hours has been beautiful. We shall be very hard pressed in the 
matter of the fines of the post contractors. The K. W. T. mail 
has now been hopelessly fixed at the Keiskama for more than a 
week, and a second mail for three or four days. 

" Yours ever truly, 

" 25th February, 1864." 

" King William's Town, 20th September, 1864. 
" My dear Southey, — No orders have come respecting 
Rawson's successor, and from a private letter I have received 
it is pretty clear nothing will be done for some months. But 
there are plenty of candidates in the field. You had better, 
therefore, appoint Mr. Breda to be Clerk-in-Charge, and I 
will write and explain the matter to Davidson. 

' ' Yours ever truly, 


" Of course Mr. Breda will not get more than half of the 
Treasurer's salary." 

" My dear Southey, — A private note from Mr. Cardwell says 
he has 'oflScially adopted my appointments ' for the Secretaryship 
and Treasurership. 

" Yours, 

"P. E. W." 

The following is from Sir George Barrow of the Colonial 
Office :— 

" Colonial Office, 7tli December, 1864. 

"My dear Southey, — I am very much obliged for your 
interesting letter of 15th October, and the communications from 
Mr. Warner. 

"I do not think that anything will go out by this mail 


relative to the Transkeian territory, but I suppose the re- 
linquishment of it may be regarded as a fait accorapli. It 
will require the greatest discretion in locating the natives in 
that territory in such manner as to avoid as much as possible 
combination under the paramount Chief Kreli. I suppose no 
Europeans will settle there without protection. 

" Do you know, or could you ascertain for me, the character 
of the River Bashee, whether it at all resembles the Kei. I 
fancy it must be the smaller river of the two. 

" I showed your letter to Mr. Card well, who read it with 
much interest. The whole question, including annexation of 
British Kaffraria, is before the Cabinet. 

" Your warrant was to have gone out by this mail, but it 
has unfortunately been delayed, and cannot receive the Queen's 
signature in time, but this will not affect your interests. 
" Believe me, 

" Yours very truly, 

"George Barrow." 

In 1864 one of the most trying periods of Mr. Southey's 
life began, when he had to become practically the Prime 
Minister of a country where one very powerful party 
clamorously called out for Eesponsible Government, and 
another in the Eastern Districts loudly demanded " Separa- 
tion." Native affairs presented phases of considerable 
difficulty, while the conduct of the finances and the prosecu- 
tion of public works necessitated great attention and care. 
At this time Kaffraria was without a legislature, suffered 
from a deficient revenue, and possessed a Government whose 
members drew small salaries and bore high-sounding titles. 
In 1862 a bill for the incorporation of this country with 
the Cape Colony had been thrown out. A valuable tract 
of country beyond the Kei at the same time remained 
unoccupied, since Kreli was turned out, and Sir P. E. 
Wodehouse hoped to settle Europeans upon it. General 
Wynyard had retired, and Sir Percy Douglas, who took 
his place, represented the inadequacy of the troops under 
his command to hold the native territories. 


Sir Philip Wodeliouse was in favour of alternate Parlia- 
ments in the Eastern and Western Provinces. In the session 
of 18G2 the proposal was rejected with other measures of 
the Government ; but before the close of the session of 1863 
a resolution in favour of government was passed by a 
majority of one in the House of Assembly, and the Governor 
therefore announced that the session of 1864 would be held 
in Grahamstown,* Parliament was opened in the City of 
the Settlers on 28th April, 1864, and Sir P. E. Wodehouse 
was able to say in his despatch dated 11th August that the 
session had been " a success." 

" All he desired had been done — supplies granted, judicial 
establishments enlarged, native questions fairly dealt with, and 
the hand of Government strengthened by convincing the pre- 
dominant influence of Cape Town that Parliament can easily 
be held elsewhere." 

Mr. Southey was not only a well-informed, safe, and 
wise adviser, but his moderation and tact in Parliament 
immensely assisted the Governor. Certainly Sir Philip 
Wodehouse, very unlike the military administrators, took 
the helm of State firmly in his hand, and being very con- 
servative and thoroughly opposed to Responsible Govern- 
ment, was no favourite in Cape Town and the Western 
Province. His Native policy is open to very much question, 
and we cannot be surprised that frontier people censured 
his plan of allowing Kreli to again take possession of a 
portion of his forfeited territory. 

There was a good deal of practical legislation effected 
in the Grahamstown Parliament, as the finances of the 
Colony were put upon a sound basis by the imposition of 
Customs dues, the establishment of a Sinking Fund, and the 

* So high an opinion had Sir Walter Currie of Mr. Southey, and so much 
did he see the necessity of his being one of the Government, that he says, 
" If you don't get the appointment we shall have no one in the Executive 
that knows a damn, and I shall pity the new Governor. There will be no 
hope that anything will go right except by accident." 


authorization of a loan to pay off debentures. Besides this, 
an Eastern Districts Covirt was established. It was in 
1864 that telegraphic communication was completed between 
Cape Town and Grahamstown, and that the first railway — 
58 miles in length — was opened from the metropolis to 

Writing from Bermuda, Mr. Eawson (then Governor 
of the Bahamas) says — 

" Government House, Nassau, 7th February, 1865. 
"My dear Southey, — 

" 1 do not think I omitted to send you a few lines of con- 
gratulation upon your getting the permanent appointment of 
Colonial Secretary. In every respect this is comfortable and 
gratifying. May you live long to enjoy it. 

* * * * * 

" Your account of the closing of the session at Grahamstown 
amused me greatly. I can picture to myself the different forms 
of astonishment and indignation which Sir W. and old Wood 
respectively displayed. 1 am sorry I lost the fun. I should 
like to have seen Southey, the imperturbable in the midst of 
the hubbub, as cool as a water-melon. Sir Philip writes that 
towards the end Tucker came to him and seemed desirous of 
assisting him. H. E. seems satisfied with the session. You 
must have had a long holiday since he went up to the Free 
State. I see Murray complains in the Great Eastern of business 
being in arrear in consequence. But in the same number he 
complains of R. W. R., the King of the Bahamas, robbing those 
splendid fellows, Reid & Co., of the mail contract between Port 
Elizabeth and Grahamstown against the recommendation of the 
P. M. G. 

" Believe me, 

" Yours very truly, 

" Rawson W. Rawson." 

The session of 1864 in Grahamstown had been stormy, 
but that of 1865 in Cape Town was worse. The subject 
of the annexation of Kaffraria was then a burning question. 


Its defence was a liability of the Imperial Government, and 
it was conveniently situated as a barrier between the Kafirs 
and the Cape Colony. The people of Kaffraria themselves 
did not wish for annexation. It was also at this time that 
extreme tension existed between East and West on the ground 
of separation, and the former Province was disposed to favour 
taking over the new territory in the belief that its people 
were in sympathy with them. By a narrow majority, and 
in a comparatively thin house, a vote was obtained, towards 
the close of the session of 1864, in favour of annexing 
Kaffraria. Accordingly, an Imperial Act was passed provid- 
ing for the union of that territory with the Cape Colony, and 
fixing the number of its parliamentary representatives. The 
dominant party, of which Mr. Molteno was at the head, 
construed this action into a violation of their constitutional 
rights. In opening Parliament the Governor referred to the 
matter at great length, and he published at the same time 
a Blue Book containing the despatches on the subject. 

Sir Philip Wodehouse was not in favour of popular 

*' In the Cape Colony," he says, " Parliamentary institutions 
have been established which, however beneficial they may have 
been in other respects, have certainly tended in the highest 
degree to increase the difficulty of treating Native questions, 
and to reduce the power and influence of the Executive Govern- 
ment. Financial matters have been dealt with improvidently. 
Commencing free from debt, they have gradually increased their 
expenditure without providing remedies to meet it, and have 
been content to raise loans in foreign markets with little regard 
to future consequences. By the concession of Parliamentary 
Government the Cape has been placed in a position to treat any 
proposals of Her Majesty's Government almost as it pleases." 

Sir Philip was a man of thorough honesty, considerable 
ability, and iron determination. Certainly he seemed to 
govern very much in the supposed interests of the Home 
Government. Military expenditure must be curtailed, there- 


fore a policy of concession to Kreli ; then there must be a 
removal of tribes and the obliteration of boundary-lines, 
while, of course, the annexation of Kaffraria was absolutely 

At the commencement of the session Mr. Molteno secured 
an adjournment for a week on the ground that the subject 
of British Kaffraria must be taken before any other work 
could be done. When the Assembly met after the adjourn- 
ment, Mr. Southey quietly remarked, that with reference to 
the remarks of Messrs. Molteno and Saul Solomon it was 
the Governor's intention to introduce two bills — one for the 
annexation of Kaffraria, and one to increase the Parliamentary 
representation of the whole Colony. The first would give to 
the East four members for the new section ; and by the latter 
four more members were given to the East, while eight were 
to be given to the West, and three members of the Legislative 
Council were to be allotted to the East and three to the West. 
He added, that as the bill had not arrived from England he 
was prepared to go on with the Estimates. After adjourn- 
ments the proposed Annexation and Eepresentation statutes 
arrived, and on the motion of Mr. Solomon were referred 
to a Select Committee. The same gentleman moved, and 
Mr. Molteno seconded, strong resolutions censuring the 
Governor's action, and protesting against the conduct of 
the Imperial Government. These were carried ; but as in 
the case of the curses referred to in the "Jackdaw of 
Eheims," nobody seemed the worse. The Governor and 
Mr. Southey treated them with calm imperturbability. 
After a very gallant fight, continued for nearly five months, 
when feeling ran high and the galleries were continually 
crowded, the Eastern Members were forced to give way, and 
the Annexation and Eepresentation Bills, in an amalgamated 
form, were passed. The Lands Beacon, Divisional Council, 
and Education Bills were submitted, but received short 
shrift from a hostile Parliament. The Eailway Bill was 
sent to a Select Committee. 

156 SIB men AMD southey. 

It was fortunate for Mr. Southey that Herod and Pilate 
quarrelled, in the persons of Mr. Molteno and Mr. Saul 
Solomon. The latter proceeded to extremities, by refusing 
to vote funds for railways on the ground that Government 
was not fit to be entrusted with public money, while his 
previous coadjutor declined to go so far. The debates in 
Parliament were characterized by a bullying tone towards 
the Colonial Secretary, and it required very great patience 
and strength of mind to bear up against constant and virulent 
denunciation. To make matters worse, the general condition 
of the Colony was extremely unfortunate. There were 
severe commercial disasters, particularly in Port Elizabeth, 
and many farmers complaining of undue taxation expressed 
a wish to trek to the Orange Free State. Numbers of un- 
employed cried out for work, and emigration proceeded both 
to New Zealand and Australia. The panacea advertised 
by the opposition politicians of the day was Eesponsible 
Government — this, indeed, would cure all the diseases of 
the body politic, and should be introduced without delay. 
To add to the disasters of the time. Lord Carnarvon, the 
Secretary of State, decided that the Imperial troops must 
either be paid for or withdrawn. 

The speech delivered by the Governor at the opening 
of Parliament on 28th September, 1866, was declared to be 
admirable even by opponents, and it is very probable that 
Mr. Southey had much to do with its nature and tone. His 
Excellency deplores the serious deficiency between revenue 
and expenditure, and makes proposals for an export duty 
on wool, a paper currency, and an increase in Customs dues. 
He urges a conciliatory spirit, and earnestly promises co- 
operation with Parliament, begging members at the same 
time to suppress minor differences and work unitedly for 
the interests of the Colony. 

Mr. William Downes Griffith became Attorney- General, 
and he, with Mr. Southey, agreed entirely with the Governor 
about the non-desirability of Eesponsible Government, thus 


differing in opinion from both Mr. Porter and Mr. Eawson, 
their predecessors. 

Mr. Grifl&th early in the session entered into a very hot 
controversy with Mr. Molteno on his motion to give power 
to the judges and modify convict's sentences, so as to decrease 
their number. The Attorney-General, indeed, went so far as 
to hint that Government would not carry out any resolution 
unless it was in accord with their views. 

In order to economize, a Retrenchment Committee was 
appointed by Parliament, and at the same time the unusual 
course was adopted of only passing the Estimates for a period 
of six months. The Governor, in his prorogation speech, 
declared in a curt manner that in a few months he would 
again call Parliament together, when he hoped that they 
would attend properly to business without being disturbed 
by the remembrance of past contests. 

With reference to the Native Policy of this time, the 
following important letter from Mr. Warner, Tambookie 
Agent, deserves attention : — 

" Entirely private. 

" Wodehouse Forests, 29th October, 1866. 

" My dear Southey, — I see by your official letter to the 
Tambookie Agent on the subject of free intercourse between the 
Transkei and location Tambookies, that what I would not beHeve 
is really the true meaning of the latter part of the eighth clause 
of that extraordinary bill now passing through the 'House,' 
and about which I wrote to you a post or two ago. 

" Well, I can only repeat, if that becomes law you will have 
undone with one stroke of the pen all that you have been aiming 
at, and all that the Government has over and over again officially 
declared should for the future be the position of those people, 
and chieftainship will be as thoroughly restored in the location 
as it has been on this side the Indwe. And if that is now the 
intention of the Government, then you might as well send the 
Tambookie Agent back to Glen Grey at once. I write freely to 
you, because you are an old and faithful friend, and because you 
have always encouraged me to do so on all subjects connected 


with the Native Question, and I hope you will pardon me for 
telling you that all the late measures are calculated to strengthen 
the natives and weaken us, and to afford them facilities for re- 
organizing themselves, combining together, and becoming as 
powerful as ever for mischief ; and they will do mischief yet, 
or I shall be wonderfully mistaken. Both you and I have sons 
with families growing up around them who must sink or swim 
with this miserably unfortunate Colony, and to all appearances 
it is indeed a blue look-out for them, for I never knew the 
' Native Question ' in a more deplorably hopeless state than 
at present. 

" I am, 

'* My dear Southey, 

" Yours very sincerely, 

« J. C. Warner." 

Every one admits that the motives of Sir P. E. Wode- 
house were pure, and that he was a man of high character. 
Desiring peace and good government, he brought forward 
in the first instance a scheme of separation into Eastern and 
Western Provinces with a supreme Government over both, 
but this failed to secure the approval of the Duke of 
Newcastle. He then informed the Executive Council that 
he would, with regard to all his measures, be guided by 

In the session of 1867 it was proposed by the Governor 
that there should be a single legislative chamber with twenty- 
one members, and a system of alternate Parliaments in East 
and West. An outcry ensued, and the proposal was styled 
an insult. Unfortunate Mr. Southey had to propose the 
resolution, and Mr. Molteno, as an amendment, moved that 
the time had come for the introduction of Eesponsible 
Government. Among other things, this tribune of the 
people declared that — 

" Our present position was intolerable, and was admitted to 
be so by all parties, even by the Government, witness their 
scheme of improving matters. Responsible Government was the 
legitimate goal of representative institutions; the Colony did 


not wish to go back, but would go forward to reach this goal. 
Other colonies had responsible Government, and prospered very 
well with it. Why should the Colony form an exception ? During 
the thirteen years that representative institutions had existed 
they had not made any progress, and he saw no reason for 
waiting. What could they wait for ? Another reason which 
gave urgency to the question was the withdrawal of the troops 
announced by the Home Government. The House passed 
resolutions, and the Government ignored them, and i*efused to 
carry them out." 

Mr. Molteno's amendment was lost, and the Government 
withdrew their proposed resolutions. The argument of Mr. 
Molteno is now given without any reply, as the reasons of 
Mr. Southey and other Ministers against Eesponsible Govern- 
ment will be found in a special memorandum which will 
be incorporated in the text when we come to the events of 

A Parliamentary resolution requiring the Government 
to hand over the management of main roads to Divisional 
Councils had been ignored by Government, but was now 
(session 1867) insisted upon, and Mr. Southey was very 
sharply attacked on the Estimates by Mr. Molteno. Mr. 
Grifiith immensely accentuated the bitterness of the opposi- 
tion, and called down upon himself the wrath of Mr. Solomon, 
when he called upon the Assembly " to lop off the cumbrous 
machinery of Parliament," and stated that the country 
demanded this change. The Colonial Secretary might well 
say on such an occasion, " save me from my friends." There 
was nothing but turmoil, strong language, and dissension. 
East versus West, Kesponsibles against Anti-responsibles ; 
while, above all, there was the murky cloud of commercial 
and agricultural disaster. 

In August, 1867, Prince Alfred again came to the Colony 
in the Galatea, visited the Knysna, and enjoyed an elephant- 
hunt. Mr. Southey was again a persona grata with him and 
his entourage. 


The war between the Free State and Basutoland became 
the means of Basutoland being proclaimed British territory 
on the 12th March, 1868, but this was effected in the 
department of the High Commissioner. 

The last session of the third Parliament of the Cape 
Colony was assembled on the 20th May, 18G8, and Members 
were informed by the Governor that after every possil)le 
economy there would be a deficiency of £25,000. His 
Excellency attributed financial difficulties to the fact that 
in past years great efforts had been made by freely borrowing 
money to develop the Colony, and that now a reaction had 
set in. The truth is, that the Colony was poor and suffering 
from a multitude of afflictions, though in 1867 the faint 
dawn of prosperity had been seen in the sky connected with 
the discovery of diamonds in the country near the Orange 
and Vaal Elvers. 

Thirty-three Acts of no particular consequence were passed 
in the session of 1868, and it was observable that there was 
more calmness in debate. In fact, the Governor in his 
prorogation speech commended the wise and temperate spirit 
in which matters had been treated. He also thanked Parlia- 
ment for supplies, and with regard to Natives referred to 
their removal over the Kei. Mr. Southey had a heavy 
burden to bear in carrying on the work with Sir Philip 
Wodehouse on one side and Parliament on the other, but 
acquitted himself in an admirable manner. His own office 
duties were heavy during the entire year, and hundreds of 
letters from officers of the Civil Service with reference to 
grievances, increase of salary, promotion, and the like, were 
treated with courtesy, tact, and justice. His knowledge of 
the country and the people of the country helped him 
exceedingly, while his patient, kind disposition greatly 
disarmed disappointed men, as well as political opponents. 


Letters from Sir John Barrow — Commandant Currie and the Koranna 
robbers — Diamond discoveries, and Diamond Field politics — Letters from 
Mr. Giddy and Dr. Athcrstone — Cape Colony politics — Outline of Budget 
speech — Kesponsible Government — Correspondence. 

THE following letters from Sir John Barrow, Under- 
Secretary for the Colonies, are given together, and 
in order of date : — 

" Colonial Office, Downing Street, London, March, 1865. 

" My dear Mr. Southey, — I was very sorry to learn that 
you had been, so seriously indisposed, and I trust that you are 
suffering no bad consequences from it. 

" We have heard nothing of the matter relative to the 
refusal of one of the Fingoe Headmen and his followers to 
exchange their Certificates of Citizenship, so I dare say we shall 
hear nothing about it at all. 

" The B. Kaffrarian Bill has passed the House of Commons 
with very little opposition, and I hope it may pass glibly through 
the other House. It certainly seems to be a most desirable 
measure, the little Colony serving (as Sir P. Wodehouse has 
remarked) as a buffer- between the Cape and the Kafirs. 

" Believe me, etc., 

"George Barrow." 

"Colonial Office, 8th June, 1865. 
"My dear Mr. Southey, — I am very much obliged for your 
letters of 14th and 15th April, which I have shown to Mr. 
Cardwell. They make me very anxious for the next news. If 
the Tambookies persist in their refusal to move, I do not know 
what you will do. With respect to the Fingoes, I trust that 
the statements in the local papers of their treatment by some 
of the subordinate officers of the Government in the matter of 



the Certificates of Citizenship are much exaggerated ; but the 
Bishop of Grahamstown, with whom I was talking on the subject 
a few days since, seemed to think that the late rates were rather 

"It is vexatious to think that if the Transkeian territory 
could have been protected it would have l^een settled with a 
European population, and the present embarrassment might 
have been avoided. The difficulty was, of course, that the Cape 
Mounted Police would not have been left there, and then came 
the unfortunate row with Kreli. I entirely concur in your views 
and your regrets, if it is not treason to say so, but I hope and 
believe that all your advice will be taken to smooth matters as 
well as possible. 

" Yours very truly, 

" George Barrow." 

"Colonial Office, 9th August, 1865. 

" My dear Mr, Southey, — Many thanks for your interesting 
letter containing so much information. It is satisfactory to see 
that the real j&ght that is now going on is not with reference to 
annexation (the Eesolutions, I suppose, having served as a safety- 
valve), but to the relative numbers of Western and Eastern 
Members in the enlarged Parliament. I have often thought 
what a mistake it was originally to make such a marked 
distinction — unless, indeed, it was unavoidable. 

"Sir P. Wodehouse's despatch on the subject is little more 
than acknowledged — waiting for further despatches ; but Mr. 
Cardwell has written privately to him. I hope he will not take 
the Resolutions too much to heart, especially if he carries the 
two Bills, either separately or amalgamated. 

" Sir W. Hodges returns by this mail, or by a new steamer, 
the Mauritius, which is to leave shortly. He seems to be in 
better health than he was a few months since. 

" I hope you will not give me up as a correspondent on 
account of my shabby notes, but I am not the only person 
interested in what you write, and this may be some consolation 
to you. 

" Believe me, etc., 

" George Barrow." 


" Colonial Office, 9th November, 1865. 

**My dear Mr. Southey, — I was very glad to receive your 
letter of the 22nd ult., reporting that the Annexation Bill had 
passed, and Mr. Cardwell was also glad to receive the intelligence. 
The Eastern Members really seem to have completely stultified 

" The Committee on the Lieutenant-Governor's commission, 
if not with the arriere-pensee of separation, was certainly bent on 
getting the management of Native Affairs in their hands, which 
the Home Government will never, I think, take from the hands 
of the Governor in his capacity of High Commissioner. 

" Your success in the removal of 40,000 Fingoes into the 
Transkeian territory is really wonderful. I hope Sir P. 
Wodehouse will write a despatch on the subject, as we have 
heard nothing officially of what has been done ; Mr. Cardwell 
might have questions asked him in the House. Mr. Cardwell 
seems to be highly satisfied with all that Sir Philip is doing 
in regard to what is going on in Natal. I hope the Basutos 
will not be crushed ; they had already been hemmed in within 
their present territory, losing all their old hunting-ground, and 
under such circumstances they might have been very trouble- 
some, instead of being, on the whole, well-conducted, at least 
for a semi-civilized people. 

"Yours, etc., 

" George Barrow." 

" Colonial Office, 9th December, 1865. 
"My dear Mr. Southey, — Sir P. Wodehouse's despatch, 
giving a full account of the measures taken for occupying the 
Transkeian territory, has anticipated the request I made to you 
in my last note. The quiet removal of 40,000 Fingoes is a great 

" Would you have the kindness to send home a few copies 
of the printed Record in the suit of Long v. Capetown, 1862 ? 
It is much wanted in the office. 

"Yours, etc., 

"George Barrow." 


" Colonial Office, 9th January, 1867. 
"My dear Mr. Southey, — 

" Lord Carnarvon has wi'itten a further despatch respecting 
the Mutual Protection Association which will greatly uphold 
Sir P. Wodehouse. 

" I was sorry to hear of the occurrences in the Postmaster- 
General's office. I do not see how it was possible to retain Mr. 
Le Sueur at the head of it, notwithstanding his unimpeachable 
integrity. Lord Carnarvon will sanction his receiving half the 
pension to which he would have been entitled if nothing had 
happened. It seems a great pity that he was not long ago 
transferred to some other office, or allowed to retire in 1864. 
I shall be glad to see better days for the Colony ; you seem at 
present to be in a bad way, and likely to have much difficxilty 
in extricating yourselves. But I hope the Parliament will not 
insist on sudden and sweeping reductions which must give rise 
to further distress and trouble. 

" What a wonderful country this is for commerce, which 
goes on at a rapid increase in spite of the greatest financial 
embarrassments on the Change ! What has lately happened here 
would have almost ruined any other country ; and the private 
distress is, I believe, fearful, though not much heard of in public, 

"Wishing you a happy New Year, 

" Believe me, etc., 

" George Barrow." 

" Colonial Office, 26th April, 1867. 

"My dear Mr. Southey, — I am much obliged for your 
letter of the 18th March, which contains much interesting 
matter. Your plan of sending the Kafir prisoners to Mauritius 
seems to be well deserving of consideration. I shall put your 
letter into the hands of the Duke of Buckingham's * Private 
Secretary to-morrow (when they return from the Easter Holiday), 
and if I can elicit any opinion which would enable you to see 
your way I will let you know. 

"I suppose we must expect a great deal of growling in 
regard to the payment to be required of the Colony towards 
the expense of the troops, and that their services will be declined 

* Now Secretary of State for the Colonies. 


— more New Zealand. I see the force of what you say in regard 
to the Natives being left to the tender mercies of the Colonists, 
and humanity will exclaim against this ; but ought a large force 
to be kept up for this purpose, in defiance of the opinions expressed 
by Parliament with respect to the military expenditure of the 
Colonies, and an opinion, which I think has been expressed, that 
so far as Imperial interests are concerned. Cape Town and its 
immediate vicinity is all that need be looked after. 

" I hope thei-e will not be another Basuto War. Mr. Scott, 
whom I have just seen, thinks that if there is the Basutos 
will not this time remain on the defensive, and that it is not 
improbable that Cetywayo (Panda's son) may join them. 

* * * * * 

" Believe me, etc., 

" George Barrow." 

" Addison Eoad, Kensington, 1867. 
" My dear Mr. Southey, 

* ¥k * ilf * 

" I am sorry you are kept so long without hearing anything 
about the diamond. Mr. Julyan told me that he had applied to 
Garrards', and that they had recommended a person to test it.* 
" I suppose it is pretty clear that the Basutos cannot last 
long as a nation, and that if we do not take them in charge the 
Orange River Government will. I fancy it is very desirable 
for the Natal Colony that the latter should not happen, and I 
think the authorities here are beginning to feel this. With 
regard, however, to the Orange Free State, whatever may be 
said as to their having been set free, I fancy their being reunited 
to the Cape just now would increase your difficulties. 

" Believe me, etc., 

" George Barrow." 

" Colonial Office, 9tli April, 1868. 
" My dear Mr, Southey, — The enclosed is a duplicate of a 
despatch addressed to Sir P. Wodehouse on the subject of the 

* This was the first diamond found in South Africa. Sir P. Wodehouse 
bought it for £500, and sent it to Messrs. Garrard & Co. 


negotiations with Moshesh, etc. ; it is to tell him to be as cautious 
as possible in his proceedings. 

" It was sent by one of the clippers which run to Natal, and 
Mr. Keate was asked to forward it on to the spot where Sir P. 
Wodehouse might be. 

" The last news from the Cape of the successes of the Orange 
Free State has made us all very anxious, and it has taken us by 
surprise, as we did not give them credit for so much alacrity, 
which they have seldom shown before. I do trust that all may 
still go well, but if the Free State should insist on retaining all 
they have acquired, there is an end to annexation to Natal, as 
they could not accept a remnant only of Basutos and of their 

" I hope you are prospering at the Cape. I think matters 
there look better. 

" Yours, etc., 

" George Barrow." 

" Colonial Office, May, 1868. 
"My dear Mr. Southey — In the absence of the Governor 
your last letter to me was very valuable, as it put the Duke of 
Buckingham in possession of the latest state of affairs at the 
Cape, which was very important, in order to meet inquiries in 
Parliament. I have every hope that Sir P. Wodehouse will be 
able to accomplish what he is undertaking, and have no doubt 
that the Free State are making only a show of resistance to his 
wishes, partly to save their honour, as they think, and partly to 
make a better bargain for themselves. 

* * * * 5"f 

" Yours, etc., 

" George Barrow." 

" 24, Addison Eoad, Kensington, "W., 9th June, 1868. 

" My dear Mr. Southey, — I am ill in bed, but your letter by 
the last mail has been forwarded to me from the office, and I 
sent it back for the Duke's perusal, in case he should not have 
heard from Sir P. Wodehouse. 

"It is very kind of you to keep me so well informed of all 
that is going on, especially when complications have arisen. 

" I am sorry that there is a prospect of Basutoland becoming 


a second British Kaffraria, to be defended, as the Boers will say, 
by British troops, but I have such a high opinion of your sound 
judgment and your thorough knowledge of all Native matters, 
that I am in hopes that, as you think otherwise, all will still be 
right. The Basutos seem to be fickle, for their earnest wish was 
declared to be, to be annexed to Natal, and they gave very 
plausible reasons for so wishing. 

" I fear it may be difficult to satisfy our Parliament on the 

" Again thanking you for all your kindness, 

" Believe me, etc., 

" George Barrow." 

" Colonial Office, 9tli July, 1868. 

" My dear Mr. Southey, — You will learn by this mail that 
Lord Carnarvon is our new Chief, and Mr. Adderley is our 
Parliamentary Under-Secretary. This is the twenty -third change 
since I have been in this office. 


" I am sorry for the poor Basutos ; I am afraid that they 
must soon be broken up entirely as a distinct tribe. If any- 
thing will save them, it would be your placing a good sensible 
' Resident ' with them. The French missionaries, too, have 
excited our commiseration. Surely the Free State ought to 
make some compensation to them for the losses which they have 
incurred, and to enable them to settle on land still belonging 
to the Basutos. 

" Would you tell Sir P. Wodehouse that I have sent him in 
the bag some further papers relating to Jamaica 1 

" Sir H. Stokes is coming home, and our friend Rawson is 
to administer the Government till Sir J. Grant's arrival. 

" Wishing you health and happiness. 

"Believe me, etc., 

" George Barrow." 

" Colonial Office, 9th July, 1869. 
" My dear Mr. Southey, 

" I see hy the papers that the great diamond has arrived* I 

* It had been sent to London, and models of it had been exhibited at the 
Exhibition in Paris in 1867. 


hope to see it some day. Notwithstanding the number brought 
in, I fear the Cape Colony is not itself diamondiferous, and that 
they are washed down from some more fortunate country, perhaps 
the Transvaal, which little deserves such good luck. 

" I hope your new Parliament will work harmoniously with 
the Government, and that the finances of the Colony will be taken 
into consideration, which seem to require serious attention. How 
can a Colony go on with such annual deficits, and so many loans ? 

" Have you seen Lord Granville's * reply to the despatch 
about the Convention 1 Sir P. W.'s notifying the ratification of 
it by the Free State arrived the day after it was sent off. I 
have no doubt Sir Philip will be able to show that by his arrange- 
ment the Basutos will have sufficient land to cultivate, and if he 
can likewise show that Moshesh and his people are satisfied, I 
think matters will go right, which I sincerely hope they may. 
" Yours, etc., 

" George Barrow." 

" Bath, 8th September, 1869. 

" My dear Mr. Southey, — I have to thank you for your last 
two letters. You must have had an awkward task in delivering 
your two great speeches on the Budget and on the Income Tax, 
the former of which appears to have met with general approba- 
tion from your having made a clean breast of the matter. How 
very insane of the Assembly throwing out the moderate Income 
Tax proposal, and preferi'ing continued loans, which must ruin 
the Colony if they persist in such a course. 

" I am much obliged for Sir Walter Currie's report of his 
proceedings against the Koranna's, and the plan which accom- 
panied it, which are very interesting. I fear it will turn out to 
be the most difficult frontier which you have yet had to maintain, 
but if there are no other marauding Natives to succeed the present 
Koranna tribes, they may, perhaps, as W. Currie hopes, be starved 
out, after the check which they have received and the loss of their 
property, but it looks ugly. 

" I have cut the report out of the newspaper and sent it, with 

* Lord Granville succeeded the Duke of Buckingham as Secretary for 
the Colonies in December, 1868. 


the plan, to Downing Street, as I do not know whether it has 
been sent there officially. 

"Believe me, etc., 

" George Barrow." 

" 3, Queen Square, Bath, 23rd September, 1869. 
" My dear Mr. Southey, 

" What a suicidal course both the Cape and Natal Legisla- 
tures are taking ! They seem to be acting almost in concert, but 
they must, I think, come to grief, as it is impossible that what 
they are doing can end in anything to remedy the present state 
of affairs. 

" Yours, etc., 

" George Barrow." 

There are letters dated 3rd August, 1868, and 5th Feb- 
ruary, 1869, from Mr. H. B. Christian,! of Port Elizabeth, 
with reference to the Northern Gold Fields and those of Tati. 
The reports received by him up to the latter date had not 
been very encouraging. A number of diamonds were sent 
to Downing Street (the Colonial Office) by Mr. Southey for 
inspection, and immense interest was taken in the new 

In 1869 an expedition under Sir Walter Currie was sent 
out to subdue bands of Koranna robbers, who infested the 
islands and banks of the Orange Eiver, near Kenhardt. 
Writing to Mr. Southey on 4th July, 1869, Sir Walter 
Currie vividly describes his operations. He says — 

" Having sent oflF, under Field Cornet Bloem, 85 men to 
operate on the Colonial side of the river, so as to prevent the 
enemy from making a raid into the Colony whilst I was on the 
opposite side, I started with the remainder of the force (248 in 
number), and reached the Orange River on the fourth day, when 
I found old Poffader, with about 48 very useless followers, whom 
I am sorry to say I have to feed." 

In two days' time they reached the first of the enemy's 
camps (Jan Koodoos). 


" Unfortunately, it was late in the afternoon, and a very 
strong position on an island surrounded by water 4i^ feet deep, 
and well barricaded. He gave us the challenge, and we accepted 
it. Fortunately we found a passage for the gun, through about 
a mile of jungle, and got it into position within 800 yards, with 
a good view of the island, and after some shots they gave way ; 
the Police, crossing the stream, took possession without the loss 
of a man. The enemy's losses were six, and we captured two good 
waggons, ten horses, goats, etc. The next day I sent the burghers 
and Kafirs on to finish the work. The Korannas had all left, 
and gone up the river. A few cattle spoors were discovered, but 
the Kafirs sent after the enemy were waylaid, when one was 
killed and one wounded." 

Subsequently the Korannas were shelled out of their 
large island and dispersed. Sir Walter Currie says — 

" As well as I can ascertain, there are about 500 desperate 
ruffians very well armed in this almost inaccessible jungle. 

" The distance on the river to Olive Drift was 50 miles, with 
an average of from 3 to 5 miles in width ; about 20 islands 
visible, and certainly more than 200 invisible. So dense is the 
jungle that nowhere is the river even seen. Each island is a 
natural fortification." 

Sir Walter Currie declares that " he requires at least 
1000 good men effectually to clear the Korannas out." He 
would retire and obtain supplies. 

" The only suggestion I can make for the future protection 
of this most miserable frontier is to get an Act of Parliament 
passed for a burgher law for the following districts, viz. Hope- 
town, Victoria, Calvinia, Fraserburg, and Namaqualand, and 
allow them to protect themselves." 

However, he succeeded better than was anticipated, 
although the water was more a protection to the enemy than 
the bush. He tells Mr. Southey that on the 7th June, 1869, 
he sent four parties to attack the centre island at daylight, 
having ascertained that all the robbers were congregated 


there. A sham assault took place in another direction, 
during which our men crossed the river up to their necks, 
took the enemy in flank, got possession of the island, and 
shot thirty of the robbers. In a letter of 22nd July, Sir 
Walter says — 

" In the last fight, owing to the depth of water and the 
helter-skelter pace they had to get over the river, vast numbers 
of unfortunate women and children were drowned. . . . From 
the river to Pipeklip (30 miles from Kenhardt) my outside 
patrols captured some 25 wild bushmen." 

They had acted as spies, and were in a perfectly destitute 
state. Certainly Sir Walter has not a high opinion of the 
prowess of the enemy. He says that they will not fight even 
for food when hungry. 

" Cowards is too mild a name for them ; they are the very 

d dst; yet they will bring their stock up to danger, and 

then bolt and leave everything at the sight of the dust of their 
enemy. Only the other day a party ran like blazes, seeing a 
dust, leaving everything behind them. It turned out to be a 
troop of springbok ! Oh, if I had only 100 more men of the 
right sort, God help Piet Rooi and his robbers ! 

" How are you getting on with your Parliament 1 Not so 
easy to manage as the Robber Islands ! 

" Yours, etc., 


As a sequence of this expedition, Mr. Southey moved in 
Parliament, during the Session of 1869, that the Governor 
should be authorized to sanction Crown land occupation 
without payment of rent in Namaqualand, Calvinia, and 
Victoria West. There was a furious discussion, in which 
Mr. Griffith declared Mr. Molteno wished to defend mur- 
derers, but the amendment of the latter gentleman, requiring 
that these Crown lands should be thrown open to the general 
community, as well as to the " Bastards," was accepted by 
Mr. Southey. 

172 SIE men ABB SOUTH EY. 

The correspondence about diamond discoveries, and the 
settlement of Magistrates at Klipdrift, and the dry diggings, 
during the years 18G9 and 1870, are very interesting. 

No one would at first believe that such a good thing as 
diamonds could come out of the Nazareth of South Africa. 
Mr. Erskine, the Colonial Secretary of Natal, writes — 

" Many thanks for your kind intelHgence anent diamonds — 
strange that your Kohinoor should have been discovered imme- 
diately after you sent your letter, strangely supporting your 
view of the genuineness of the discovery. Now do tell, how do 
people discover diamonds, inasmuch as in the rough they seem to 
resemble other stones 1 It is evident that Emmanuel * has no 
longer the same signification as in the biblical times, or he would 
have known better." 

Mr. W. B. Chalmers, writing from Hopetown on 23rd 
June, 1868, had previously given an elaborate account of 
the circumstances connected with the discovery of several 
diamonds. He speaks of some of them having been found 
in alluvial ground, at considerable distances from the Orange 
and Vaal Elvers respectively. Subsequently crowds of 
diggers appeared on the latter stream, and the Government, 
declaring the territory to belong to Waterboer, took posses- 
sion of the Fields and established Magistracies. On 17th 
November, 1870, Mr. G. M. Cole, Sub-manager of the 
Standard Bank, writing from " Vaal Elver Diamond Fields," 
says — 

" I beg to state that the most widespread anxiety prevails 
lest anything should occur to prevent the eai'ly arrival of Mr. 
Campbell (Resident Magistrate of Port Elizabeth), who is said 
to have received the appointment of British Commissioner. The 
appointment of Mr. Campbell is excessively popular. . . . Mr. 
Parker, the ' President,' ] has himself more than once inquired 

* Emmanuel was a London jeweller, who sent out a man named Gregory, 
who reported that really no diamonds existed in the country. A misstate- 
ment or lie was for some time afterwards tstykd " a Gregory." 

f Elected by the diggers. 


anxiously of me about his arrival, feeling probably that he will 
shortly not be able to control the daily increasing body of diggers, 
who will obey nothing but British authority, A most disorderly 
meeting was held here yesterday, at which the displacement of 
the old Committee of Vaal River was affirmed. Each digfffer was 
armed with a revolver, and had a shot been fired the probability 
is that a deplorable scene of bloodshed would have ensued." 

Eegarding the annexation of the Diamond Fields to the 
Colony, popular feeling in its favour is indicated by Dr. 
W. G. Atherstone,* who, writing to Mr. Southey from 
Grahamstown on 15th October, 1870, says — 

" My dear Southey, — I was in hopes of getting up a memorial, 
with signatures, in time for last mail, but found I could not manage 
it ; however, at last we have succeeded, and it will be all ready, 
together with similar memorials from Port Elizabeth, etc., and I 
hope in ample time for next steamer. We had old Wood in the 
chair, and Godlonton, Kennelly, Barry, and a dozen others, but 
decided that no public meeting was necessary. Barry left imme- 
diately afterwards for Port Elizabeth, where he will initiate a 
similar movement. There is but one opinion on the subject, and 
that is, that the country should be annexed without delay to the 
Colony. I fixed them to this, which I believe is the general 
opinion of the East. Your Memorialists feel confident that their 
representatives in Parliament will give a cordial and generous 
support to any measure which the Executive Government may 
deem necessary for the carrying out of the above object, i.e. up- 
holding the jurisdiction of the Magistrate when appointed, and 
annexation afterwards. I cannot see how you can get Magis- 
trates to act without pay, or an adequate force to support their 
authority. There might be risk of being ducked at Hebron, as 
Mr. Owen was. However, it matters little what expense is 
incurred ; it will be amply returned by a small royalty on 
diamonds, a tithe of the amount charged by the liberal missionary 
of Priel, and the appointment of Magistrates under the Act of 
Victoria. I presume the necessary outlay will be granted for 
supporting their authority if required. I saw a very splendid 

* It was this gentleman to whom the first diamond was submitted, and 
he declared it genuine. 


diamond of CA- carats a few days ago, very clear and bright, of 
a beautiful topaz yellow. I had written, previously to receiving 
your last, to friends (F. Barker and others) at the Fields, to get 
a memorial signed by the diggers praying for annexation to the 
Colony, for which, of course, all are now anxious. If delayed 
until they are overrun by ' Roughs ' from other lands the case 
may be altered, so the sooner the matter is decided the better. 
We have as much right to annex as Pretorius or Brand has to 
take in half the continent to Lake Ngami — his act was only a 
paper proclamation, 

" Yours sincerely, 

" W. GuYBON Atherstone." 

Many interesting letters were received from Mr. David 
Arnot. He was the agent of Waterboer, and made such 
statements as the following : — 

" Eskdale, 7th November, 1870. 
" I had started, but I was obliged to return on account of a 
letter which Brand (President of the O. F. State) sent to the 
Chief. I think it a most impudent piece of business, considering 
that he (Brand) had it written two days after the Governor's 
last two letters of 10th and 17th October, 1870, had reached 
him, and thus he is defying us. . . . They will give the British 
Government much trouble in bringing about Basuto complica- 

On the 20th of the same month, he says — 

" As the Chief has now said that provisions in the negotiations 
will be made for me when he hands the Revenue sources of 
Albania, etc., over to the British Government, he would wish me 
recognized in some position." 

He then goes on to ask the favour — 

"of your influence and powerful interest in favour of his son-in- 
law, Mr. Fitzroy Maclean Henry Somerset, son of General 
Somerset, who is young — thirty years — healthy as a human being 
need be, strong as a horse, honest as daylight, steady as a rock, 
and although not bred up to the law, is clever, and takes to 


matters easily. He is an Oxford man, and was rather favouraljly 
known there. You may try him with a temporary appointment." 

The Session of 1869 was a stormy one. It was opened 
by the Governor (Sir P. E. Wodehouse) suggesting that in 
order to put the Colonial finances in order the revenue should 
be increased by £50,000 per annum, to be raised by means 
of a tax on houses, on incomes, on spirits, and on wool. 
Without a division this project was rejected by the House 
of Assembly, which declared itself in favour of retrenchment 
upon an extensive scale, and called upon the Government to 
suggest a suitable scheme. This resolution was carried by 
seventy-five votes to thirteen. The Governor and the Execu- 
tive rose to the occasion by suggesting a scheme, in which it 
was proposed to abolish the existing Parliament, substitute 
a simple House consisting of twelve Members and three 
Executive officers, abolish no fewer than fourteen fiscal 
divisions, and withdraw grants to several public institutions. 
In the accompanying message the Governor declared that — 

" he could not perceive in any constituencies any just apprecia- 
tion of the functions of Parhament, or of the mode in which their 
representatives should discharge their duties. Unless it be for 
the attainment of some purely local object, or to force on some 
piece of legislature coveted by a particular section, they do not 
appear to expect of them any line of conduct, any real attempt 
to impress upon the Government the adoption of well-reasoned 
measures with which they should be prepared to give it an 
intelligent and cordial support." 

The party headed by Mr. Molteno naturally looked upon 
the Constitution as the " Ark of the Covenant " — not to be 
touched ; but they would not agree to any scheme of taxa- 
tion, and demanded a grinding and, indeed, impossible system 
of reduction in expenditure. On one occasion Mr. Molteno 
said that he wished that he could have seen some other way of 
making the revenue and expenditure meet ; indeed, he would 


be most grateful to any one who would point out any plan 
by which this could be effected.* On the other hand, it was 
declared that this Tribune of the people was doing his best, 
by means of a side wind, to introduce Responsible Govern- 
ment, and that by the help of a packed majority he was 
recklessly striving to bring about such a crisis as to make 
the existing system of Government impossible. This was 
indeed a time of turmoil and trouble, but the Executive, with 
the Governor, steadfastly adhered to their conservative views, 
and Mr. Southey, like a rock, bore without tremor the rude 
shocks of the Opposition. The notes of his speeches are very 
expressive. In one of them we find the following epitome 
of the Budget of 1870 :— 

" Feelings and lamentations of Executive found no sympathy, 
and our continual representations only tended to create an 
antagonistic feeling. 

"Members affected to believe it possible to equalize by 
reduction, but no one liked the task of attempting to show how 
practically, or work matters. 

"Until 1866, when an attempt was made. 

" Select Committee appointed, with power to take evidence 
and call foi" papers. 

" Went to work vigorously, got together papers, and took 
much evidence. 

" Brought up a report opposed, in most respects, to the evidence, 

" Only indicated how large reduction of the expenditure 
might be achieved. 

" After pointing out difficulties, Executive endeavoured to 
follow up the indications, but in so doing has found that at every 
step it has led to fierce opposition, and now new appeals made to 

Then comes a statement of expenditure, exclusive of 
works and buildings, ranging from £513,000 in 1864 to 
£642,000 in 1867 ; reduced in 1868 to £626,000, and in 1869 

* Mr. Molteno brought in a Bill for increasing the Customs revenue by 
2| per cent., but the progress of the measure was cut short by prorogation. 


to £596,000. The expenditure in 1870 was £607,000. Dif- 
ference between 1867 and 1870, £35,000, of which £8000 
or £10,000 attributable to squeezing process." A large 
number of other statistics are quoted. 

" Now proceed to give informatiou on revenue and expendi- 
ture of past year, and prospects of this. 

"Estimated revenue, 1870 £543,583 

Do. expenditure ... ... 604,926 

" Probable deficiency £61,343" 

To make up for this, to provide for public works much 
needed, and to avoid deficiency. Government proposed a tax 
on vehicles and on houses, as well as a revision of the stamp 
tariff. Another proposed source of revenue was a poll-tax, 
ultimately adopted. To continue the notes — 

" The adopted measures for increased income the Government 
calculated to yield last year about £10,000, which, added to 
£543,583, the previous estimate, made £553,583 — still insufficient 
to cover the authorized expenditure by nearly £50,000, and ren- 
dering it impossible for the Government to press for expenditure 
which was not absolutely indispensable, or could not be allowed 
to stand over. Should have been glad, if practicable, to have 
seen some needful public works sanctioned, but could not help 
coinciding with opinion of Members that, with the ever-recurring 
excess of expenditure over income, it was of the first importance 
to hold on. Could not at that time predict revenue would so 
much exceed estimate ; prospects rather the other way. Wool 
market depressed. War expected. Happy to say, however, that 
revenue largely in excess of anticipations, and that for the first 
time in the memory almost of the oldest inhabitant income has 
exceeded expenditure. Revert to revenue. The actual receipts 
have been £661,392, or £107,909 in excess of anticipations. 

" The chief sources from which this increase is derived are 
customs, land, and reimbursements." 

Then come elaborate statistical details — 
" System of collecting sub-guarantee (on Cape Town to 
Wellington Railway) by no means satisfactory. 


178 SIE mClIARD sou THEY. 

"Causes much unpleasant correspondence between the 
Government and Divisional Councils, and yet money not 

"Arrears due, ,£42,380. If the Bill proposed by Government 
had been passed, this matter would be on a better footing. 

" House tax collected last year was £10,028 — if all collected 
would have been £22,000. 

" As regards revenue, compared with previous years, £76,000 
better. The excess in expenditure over revenue would amount 
to £20,948. Many small retrenchments in various branches of 
the revenue had been made. 

"The principal saving amounted to £31,700 effected in 
administration of justice, convicts, works and buildings, trans- 
port, and hospitals. For the year 1871 it was calculated that 
income would exceed expenditure. 

" But if the Colony is to flourish, we want more revenue 
and more expenditure. We want railways, roads, and bridges, 
and many other things. In fact, we vrant cheap and certain 
transport. If we had that we could produce large quantities 
of grain and other farm produce for export, which would be 
profitable in many ways. Employ labour, etc. For some years 
but two prominent ideas : (1) Reduce expenditure ; (2) No more 
revenue. Executive not favoured those ideas — considered better 
to increase revenue. Proposed various ways — House only looked 
to Customs. Government consider duties too high, particularly 
on some items. Injure trade (see Orpen's Memo). Imports 
reduced. Duty during recess to look out these matters." 

It will be observed that the day of prosperity for the 
Cape Colony had just begun to dawn. The first discovered 
diamond was placed by Mr. Southey on the table of the 
House of Assembly in 1868, and from the beginning of 
the Seventies a new era arose in South Africa. 

That Sir Philip Wodehouse was a most honourable and 
hard-working statesman is seen in his memoranda and 
correspondence. No detail was too small for his attention, 
and we find him criticizing (very accurately) accounts of 
Divisional Councils, recommending in detail what districts 
should be under Deputy Sheriffs, and generally taking the 


greatest interest in all matters connected with tlie govern- 
ment of the Colony. Mr. Southey was an unexcitable, 
reliable official after his own heart. Indeed, after Mr. 
Porter left the Executive Council and became one of the 
Members for Cape Town in the Assembly, the entire 
Executive were as one man in their political views. 

The general election took place in 1869, and the issues 
put before it as to whether the Executive should obtain 
more influence or the Colony be brought under Eesponsible 
Government had been decided, as far as the Assembly was 
concerned, by a majority in favour of Mr. Molteno's views ; 
but in the Legislative Council there was still uncertainty. 
At the beginning of the session of 1870 Mr. Southey 
introduced the Governor's Bill for the amendment of the 
Constitution by providing only a Legislative Council of 
thirty-six members, four of whom should be officials and the 
remaining thirty-two elected members. This was opposed 
with much warmth and rhetoric by Mr. P. Watermeyer. 
Messrs. Saul Solomon, Ziervogel, Pearson, Molteno, and 
Porter. As has been rather happily said, the last mentioned 
had sat at the cradle of the Constitution, and did not wish 
to follow its bier. In proposing the second reading of the 
Bill, Mr. Southey made a short speech. His main argument 
referred to the fact that the cost of the present Parliament 
was too great, and that this enactment would reduce it. 
Mr. Thompson of Grahamstown supported the Government ; 
and the Attorney-General, Mr. Griffith, declared that there 
was no alternative between this Bill and Eesponsible Govern- 
ment. If the latter were preferred, then the country would 
be under an organized system of jobbery. " Mr. Molteno 
declared that if they destroyed the Parliament to save 
£5000 per annum they opened their wings to be clipped 
by depriving themselves of the power to make further 
retrenchment." As to Eesponsible Government leading to 
jobbery, he retorted that the Magistrates had been interfered 
with, and referred to Guano island irregularities. He 


concluded by saying that, " if taxes and contributions were to 
be wrung from the people by the Government with which 
they were not in sympathy, they would not endure it." Mr. 
Southey, in replying on the debate, answered Mr. Molteno's 
remarks, and stated that if the second reading only passed, 
then details could be arranged in committee. By thirty -four 
to twenty-six votes the Bill was rejected. 

We have already seen, in the sketch of his Budget speech 
for 1870, what care Mr. Southey took to lay the financial 
affairs of the country before Parliament, but the question 
of questions was, of course, that of Responsible Govern- 
ment. On the one hand. Sir Philip Wodehouse declared 
that " Ptesponsible Government was unsuited to the country, 
and was not desired by it ; " while Lord Granville wrote that 
if the Government could not command the co-operation of 
the Legislature then Eesponsible Government was the only 
alternative. Certainly the Governor was in a most unenviable 
position. He had already been greatly offended by the 
Assembly refusing to sanction the vote of £10,000 allowance 
for the Imperial troops. Public meetings took place in 
Grahamstown, King William's Town, and East London, and 
notice was given of one to be held in Cape Town. His 
honest plan to reject the Divisional Council management 
of main roads was rejected. Last, and worst of all, the 
new constitutional measure, carefully drawn up by himself, 
was thrown out by a large majority. 

Government had to bring in taxation bills in 1870, but 
great delays occurred, and complaints were made of the 
conduct of business. In the " Life and Times of Sir J. C. 
Molteno," we are told (vol. i. p. 158), and, of course, this 
must be taken as the opinion of a partisan — 

" This session had again served to bring out in the strongest 
manner the utter incapacity of all the Government Executive 
officials, save one, to lead the House. The Colonial Secretary 
alone showed any tact or capability for the purpose." 



It was rather fortunate for Sir Philip Wodehouse, after- 
wards Governor of Bombay, that he was prepared to leave 
the Colony. He saw, indeed, that the advent of a different 
regime to that which he approved was imminent. Before 
leaving Cape Town, in addressing the Parliament, he said — 

"I have never beea a Colonist. . . . All my sympathies ai'e 
enlisted in the close connection of the Colony with England, and 
the movements taking place towards the dissolution of those ties 
are to me most unwelcome. . . . For any difficulties that I may 
have unadvisedly or unnecessarily created I hope you will accept 
my assurances of regret." 

Once again Mr. Southey had to say farewell to a Governor 
who was indeed a friend. Sir Harry Smith was very different 
from Sir P. E. Wodehouse, but both were men of high 
principle and stern integrity, who appreciated the excellent 
qualities of Mr. Southey. 

While Mr. Southey was Colonial Secretary he necessarily 
carried on a very large demi-official correspondence. To the 
Agents-General in London he wrote about loans of money 
and purchases for the Colony, while he also furnished 
information with regard to discoveries of diamonds and gold. 
Almost all grades of officials wrote with respect to promotion, 
increase of salary, etc. — judges, engineers, mayors. Members 
of Parliament, and private individuals swell the list. The 
private letter-books are full of courteous, sensible com- 
munications. Important correspondence took place with 
the heads of the police, and agents to native chiefs, while 
in all cases the secretary's thorough knowledge of the Colony, 
its people, and the aboriginal natives are strikingly dis- 
cernible. Only a few illustrative specimens can, of course, 
be given. 

An interesting letter to the Hon. H. Barrington, Knysna 
(15th December, 1869), begs that gentleman to go on writing 
to the Colonial Secretary on forest affairs. Mr. Southey 
then proceeds to say — 


*' I see now that your opinion is that for protection of the 
Knysna forest we should have one well-paid man, with three 
horses, to supervise, be constantly in the saddle, who should 
be assisted by certain persons residing close to the forests, to 
be styled Field Cornets or Assistant Field Cornets. Is this 
not very much the system at present in operation ? We have 
now the C.C.'s of George and Knysna as Conservators, having 
certain subordinates called Rangers." 

The truth is that the forests were miserably mismanaged, 
until, chiefly by the efforts of Colonel Schermbrucker, an 
efficient system of conservation was instituted. A most 
able forest " expert " was brought out from France * to 
instruct the officers of the Department. 

The Colonial Secretary goes on to say — 

" Field Cornets and Assistant Field Cornets have by law 
certain rights and privileges, and the Government have little 
control over them, and less check upon their doings, which 
involve expenditure ; and on that account I am disposed to 
think that in the interests of economy it would be desirable to 
abolish the office altogether." 

If Mr. Southey could have seen how shamefully many 
field cornets attended to the registration of voters in future 
years, his desire for their abolition would have been 

On 16th December, 1869, there is a letter to Mr. S. 
Cawood, Grahamstown, urging him to get three-fourths of 
the Kowie Harbour shareholders to relinquish their shares 
in order that the Government may be enabled to take over 
the operations — 

"It seems a great pity to delay the completion of the works 
for a little matter in comparison with the magnitude and im- 
portance of the work still to be accomplished, and the benefits 
that must result to all if we succeed in making the Kowie what 
we want it to be." 

* The Vicomte de Vasselot, who had successfully afforested country near 
the mouth of the Garonne. 


A curious application appears from Mr. W. Williams, 
through the Hon. Wm. Fleming, Port Elizabeth, for a grant 
of 100,000 acres of land to enable a Society to train up 
destitute boys and give each of them eventually 100 acres 
to live upon. Mr. Southey wants more information, and 
says in a letter, dated 17th December, 1869 — 

" In this Colony agricultural pursuits have not hitherto been 
very successful. 

* * * * 

" Some persons are now trying the cultivation of cotton and 

The Hon, Samuel Cawood made many experiments, but 
was not eventually successful in growing cotton in Lower 
Albany, and in the Western districts sericulture was un- 
successfully tried at Stellenbosch. On 18th December, 1869, 
Mr. Southey writes to the Agent-General in England — 

"I have asked the Secretary of the Cape of Good Hope 
Agricultural Society to obtain for me a few thousand silk-worm 
cocoons to be forwarded to the Continent for trial, and to 
ascertain their value." 

In writing to Mr. July an, Agent- General, on 18 th 
December, 1869, Mr. Southey says — 

" The elections for the Assembly are now in progress, and so 
far as they are known, the House promises to be an improvement 
on the last. Cape Town has returned Porter, Solomon, Eustace, 
and Stigant ; the last is a new member, and Solomon was not in 
last Session, though he had represented Cape Town before ever 
since the commencement of our Parliament. He lost his seat 
last year in consequence of his party attempting too much in the 
interest of the Voluntary principle." (Taking away all grants to 
ministers of religion.) 

There are a large number of letters on subjects connected 
with the government of the Natives. In one to Mr. J. S. 
Warner (Tambookie Kesident), dated 12th January, 1870, 
Mr. Southey says — . 


" The killing of two Pondos in Queya's country, and his 
stabbing a Fingoe to death and wounding another, because the 
people of the Kraal resisted his orders respecting certain girls, 
are matters much to be regretted — at least, the latter. Killing 
two thieves is not worse, perhaps, than was the custom in 
England a few years back, when criminals were hanged for much 
smaller crimes ; perhaps the Pondos did not get so elaborate a 
trial as would have been the case in England. 

* * * * * 

"I do not go with you in thinking that Queya should be 
deprived of his subsidy on account of them." 

"We should get into endless trouble if we interfered with 
his domestic arrangements, however much we disapprove of them. 
If we were prepared to take in his country and govern him and 
his people according to our ideas of what is right, I would go 
for that." 

Mr. Southey argues against giving territory to Kreli. 
If this were done and the Tambookies got a large upper 
slice, " what," says the Colonial Secretary, " would be left 
for Europeans ? " 

" A small and weak European community would have been 
a source of constant trouble. Robbed by Kreli on their right, 
the Tembus on the left, by the Idutywa people and Pondos in 
front, and by Sandilli in the rear, we should have been for ever 
in hot water. . . ." 

The only practical plan for forming a European settle- 
ment was to appropriate for it the whole territory from the 
sea to Nomansland, and to keep up a strong police or mounted 
demi-military force. 

" As for the Grantees defending themselves, that is nonsense ; 
they would not have been a month in the country before they 
would have cried out lustily for help, and all the little news- 
papers would have joined in the cry, and we should have been 
pitched into for our cruelty in settling people in such a country 
without protection." 


He points out numerous errors of policy committed by 
Mr. Warner, and says — 

" You are too impatient, and expect to get things squai*e at 
once ; perhaps by the time that you arrive at my age you will 
know better. 

" Yours, 


" A happy New Year." 

In a letter to Major Erskine, Colonial Secretary of Natal, 
dated 11th March, 1870, Mr. Southey says — 

" You don't understand our retrenchment. It consists in a 
general squeezing — knocking off a few pounds here, and a shilling 
or two there, and so on. We refused the percentage reduction 
on salaries, and this session have a considerable majority in the 
Assembly favourable to our views on that head. Molteno and 
his tail are nowhere this Session. I should be very sorry to 
see any of our legislators added to the Executive Council, even 
if selected by the Governor, and don't see how such a measure 
can work successfully. They would very soon be thoroughly 
disgusted with their position, and if they had any spirit, retire. 

"Cotton seems to be going on ahead here too. We expect 
to send away some hundreds of bales this year. With us it 
grows everywhere. 

" We expect to have our docks open in a month or two, and 
to go ahead with improvements at Port Elizabeth very shortly. 
We shall export a good deal of Angora hair this year. Diamonds 
are no longer a novelty." 

Writing to Mr. Tinley, CO., and E.M. of Beaufort West, 
on 18th March, 1870, Mr. Southey says— 

" Molteno has very little influence in the House this session. 
He has lost the opportunity of obtaining a strong position as 
a legislator by the extreme length to which he drove parties last 
session. Had he been more moderate when he found himself 
at the head of affairs, he might have retained a leading position, 
because then he would have been supported by the moderate 
members, and the House would not have been dissolved. He 
did not calculate upon the Governor appealing to the country ; 


but if he had been a wise politician, he would have guarded 
against such a contingency." 

In a subsequent letter to the same officer he says (23rcl 
April, 1870), referring to purchase of land leases — 

" Molteno was too deep for us, but I shall, as soon as I get 
a little time, see if he cannot be out-manreuvred. You should 
have written the Surveyor-General. Really I have not had time, 
and I have had to dance attendance on Parliament from half- 
past 10 a.m. to 11 or 12 p.m. daily — what with select Committees, 
etc. — and seldom got home before one o'clock in the morning. . . . 
I anticipate much good from the Crown Lands Amendment Bill, 
and also from that about the Waschbank land, if we get it 
through ; then, if we carry the Consolidation Act, and then by 
means of a fixed annual payment not greater than that now 
needed to pay interest and keep up a sinking fund, provide for 
the extinction of our funded debt, in thirty-seven years we can 
apply all surplus revenue to carry out improvements." 

Writing to Mr. Julyan (Agent-General in London) on 
3rd May, 1870, Mr. Southey says — 

" I have been absorbed by Parliament, frequently having had 
to attend Committees and one or other House from ten in the 
morning till past midnight. . . . The Session is now near its 
close, and has not been altogether an unprofitable one. We 
have passed a Bill to impose a tax on houses, which will yield 
£20,000 or more, and another to increase duties on stamped 
documents, from which we should obtain £10,000." 

Bills to obtain more money from Crown Lands and to 
consolidate the public debt had passed. 

In a letter to Lieutenant-General Hay, Lieutenant- 
Governor, dated 9th May, 1870, Mr. Southey says— "The 
Governor told me yesterday that you had decided upon not 
coming here by the Briton." 

He then asks an expression of his wishes respecting the 
conduct of the public business during the interval between 
Sir P. E. Wodehouse's departure and his arrival. 


" The usual practice has been for the Colonial Secretary, 
during the absence of the Governor from Cape Town, to dispose 
of all matters which, in his opinion, did nob require special 
instructions, and to forward to the Governor such papers as 
needed his personal decision or signature." 

The following is an interesting letter to Mr. H. W. 
Pearson, M.L.A., Port Elizabeth, dated 8th June, 1870 : — 

"My deae Pearson, — I have never been a Separationist, and 
could never see the advantage to be gained by separation. In the 
East, hitherto, all the leading men have been too much absorbed 
in their ordinary avocations to be able to attend much to public 
affairs, and I fancy that it still is the case. I do not think that 
there is a prospect of a change of Imperial policy at present. 
Great changes do take place every now and again, but it requires 
time to bring them about. I consider the present move is in- 
tended to induce the Colony to adopt ' Responsible Government,' 
but it doesn't follow as a necessity that the Colony should do so. 
No doubt Sir H. Barkly will favour the introduction of it, but 
there will be no attempt at coercion. When all the movements 
of troops now going on have been effected, there will still be two 
regiments between us and Natal. I wouldn't advise much stir 
in political matters just now. . . . The people down East appear 
to be volunteering greatly ; the chief thing to be done, in my 
opinion, is to take care that every man understands how to ride 
a horse and use a gun — a lot of drill and uniform is useless 
expense. In my young days every frontier boy above twelve 
had a gun, and knew how to use it, and that is what is wanted. 
In my opinion, it would be better for each male inhabitant to 
pay twenty shillings a year for a police rate than to pay double 
or treble that for being a volunteer. Double the police force, 
and there will be no fear of Kafir wars, unless the force be 
divided and subdivided by distributing it in driblets among the 
different districts, as proposed in the Assembly last Session. 

"Yours, etc., 



Frontier affairs — Correspondence — Waterboer's claims and Mr. David Amot 
— Diamond field affairs — Correspondence — Mr. Molteno and Responsible 
Government — Arguments of ])oth sides — Manifesto of the Southey 
Cabinet — Letter from Mr. Southey — G-eneral correspondence. 

OIR WALTER CURRIE, the gallant head of the police, 
^ retired ou full-pay pension, and was succeeded by 
Commandant Bowker. Writing to the latter officer on 20th 
June, 1870, the Colonial Secretary says — 

" My dear Bowker, — I will treat yours as an official letter, 
and refer it to the Attorney-General for his opinion as to the 
position of the French Missionaries in Basutoland. In Basuto- 
land you are supreme, and if any one comes there to stir up 
mischief, you can arrest and send them out of the country. . . . 
You mustn't send them into the Colony unless it be to let them 
free, but deal vv^ith them within your own kingdom. If need be, 
you could keep any disturbers of the peace prisoners pending a 
reference here. ... I am quite at a loss for a successor to you 
in Basutoland (as Government Agent)." 

In a subsequent letter Mr. Southey says — 

" I have a strong fancy that the Imperial Government intend 
annexing Basutoland to Natal, and if we are to have no troops 
in this Colony perhaps we needn't care much what they do. If 
annexed, the Parliament of this Colony would be ready at any 
time to cede it to the Free State, and break faith with the 

Writing on Native affairs to Mr. Warner on 22ud April, 

"My dear Warner, — You express an opinion that things 
are getting complicated by Gangelizwe getting words from the 


Fingoe agents and from the Idutywa agent, which did not tally. 
. . . How can it be avoided ? My original desire was one head 
in the Transkei country, the only medium of communication 
between this Government and the tribes beyond the Bashee, 
but the original arrangements made to effect this fell to pieces. 
I fancy some share of the responsibility rests with yourself. It 
was you, I think, who just proposed to throw off Kreli, and to 
be relieved from all supervision of his tribe. . . . Altogether 
the Governor, after visiting the country and seeing Gangelizwe, 
arrived at the conclusion that your position in the country was 
not a beneficial one. ... I have generally considered that you 
have helped to break down my system by a want of firmness and 
patience, and I fancy that if I had been in your position I should 
not have given up Kreli or the Fingoes under Cobbe. ... I 
know that Sir Philip Wodehouse recommended the abandonment 
of the intention of filling up the Transkei with Europeans, and 
doing what was afterwards done with Natives, and I know some- 
thing about the whys and wherefores which you do not. The 
European settlement would have been made but for the failure 
at home to carry out the plan for establishing a protective Free 
State force." 

Writing to Mr. Quin, M.L.C., on 28th August, 1870— 

"No one appears to know at present why it is that just as 
two regiments were being withdrawn and all stores hurried away 
at railroad speed, an order comes to detain a large quantity of 
stores ; and we are told that a regiment of infantry is to come 
here to replace one of those withdrawn." 

To Mr. D. P. Blaine, Port Elizabeth, on 24th August, 

" We are for the present to have 2^1^ regiments in this Colony. 
This and the Diamonds will help us. 

" There can be no doubt that Port Elizabeth is the proper 
port for the Fields for people from Europe. ... A rail from 
Port Elizabeth by the shortest practicable route into the valley 
of the Great Fish River, and thence up the river to Cradock, and 
so on to the Orange River is, in my opinion, the one to suit best." 

This predicts the route of the railway made afterwards. 


To Hon. T. Shepstone on 29tli August, 1870— 

" I doubt much whether diamond-digging will pay individuals, 

and expect to see by-and-by that the fields are worked by large 

companies or capitalists." 

Another prophecy which was fulfilled. 

In a letter to the newly appointed Governor, Sir H. 
Barkly, in England, on 2nd September, 1902, there is a good 
deal about drawing-room carpets, covers for furniture, etc., 
for Government House, to be chosen by Lady Barkly. The 
subject of troops for the Colony is adverted to, and with 
reference to finance Mr. Southey says — 

"It has been suggested if Her Majesty's Government would 
do for us something like what she has done for New Zealand, 
viz. allow our consolidated arrangements to be made under 
Imperial guarantee, we should be considerably advantaged by 
it. Perhaps you might be able to ascertain whether an applica- 
tion to that effect would receive favourable attention." 

To the Hon. Mr. Fleming, Port Elizabeth, on 9th 
September, 1870 — 

"Your Port. The Board is working under Andrews' direction, 
and I believe Coode advised slow progress. . . . Your description 
of proceedings makes them look absurd. I am of opinion that 
every public work of the Colony should be under one head, and 
that one a Government officer. When, however, it was found that 
he would not do everything for everybody. Parliament would 
vote him to be useless, and refuse his pay. ... As you know, I 
was always of opinion that Algoa Bay should have been made 
a port, and connected with other places in the East by railways, 
instead of expending money at other places on harbour works, 
and I have got into disgrace with Grahamstown men for holding 
such opinions." 

Writing to David Arnot on 12th September, 1870 — 

" It seems to me that in your letter to the Orange Free State 
Government you have made out a very strong case for Water- 
boer ; and if the Free State has no other claim than that arising 
from the alleged purchase of Cornelius Kok's possessions from 


Harvey as Adam Kok's agent, they would have a weak one. As 
regards the Sovereignty declared by Sir H. Smith and afterwards 
withdrawn, that cannot affect AVaterboer, as he was not included 
by Sir Harry Smith, nor in any way a party to either trans- 

" But supposing all admitted, and that Waterboer's rights 
have been invaded first by Major AN'arden and afterwards by 
the Free State, what is to be done unless the Free State admits 
the injustice? Already the diggers are talking of forming an 
independent Republic. 

" Under all the circumstances would it not be better for 
Waterboer and his people to seek to be received as British 
subjects, as has been done in the case of the Basutosi In the 
treaty between Waterboer and Kok, the former's boundaries are 
described as from Ramah to Kies (West), and north to Platberg. 
The weakest part of Waterboer's case appears to me to be with 
regard to the line from David's Graf to Platl^erg. Major Warden 
suggested that a tract extending ten miles above and ten miles 
below Platberg, along the river, should be allowed to certain 
natives who had disposed of their land to Boers. We shall have 
an Executive Council meeting to-day to consider what shall be 
done, now that Waterboer has publicly notified his inability, 
under the altered circumstances of the country, to maintain 
order ; and the Free State does not apparently assume any right 
of jurisdiction within the country over which the diggers have 
spread themselves. The result of this meeting may be the issue 
of a Proclamation setting forth the state of the case, and the 
appointment of two or more magistrates under provisions of 
Imperial Act 26 and 27 Victoria, giving jurisdiction over ' British 
subjects.' It will be necessary to include a large slice of Water- 
boer's undoubted territory." 

To Mr. Henry Hutton, Diamond Fields, 15th September, 

" Brand has issued a proclamation seizing the Campbell 
lands, by virtue of a purchase from Adam Kok's agent Harvey. 
So far as documents in our possession go to show, Harvey was 
not authorized by Kok to sell, nor had Adam Kok any right to 
the Campbell lands." 


To Mr. M. Unger, 30th September, 1870— 

"I am glad to find that the notice which this Government 
has issued respecting territorial claims and rights to the diamond- 
producing country is likely to prove satisfactory to the people at 
the fields, and I shall hope to find that they give public expression 
to their views." 

On 23rd October, 1870, the Colonial Secretary in a very 
long letter reviews the proceedings of one of the principal 
magistrates of the Colony. In a very clear and explicit 
manner he points out grave mistakes and irregularities. In 
fact, he administers a most severe " wigging," and ends 
thus — 

" You will, I know, feel sore at these remarks, but I dare say 
you have heard the story of John Stanley, one of the settlers of 
1820, whose wife used to lead the oxen while he held the plough, 
and when the oxen got out of the furrow and dragged the plough 
out of the proper line, he used to administer to her a severe 
chastisement, always telling her that he did so with much regret, 
and merely as a duty he owed to her, that it was for her own 
good, and out of sincere affection he did so, and so on. And you 
must just believe, as Mrs. Stanley was supposed to believe, that 
I am criticizing your proceedings with the view of establishing 
more comfortable relations between us (officially). 

" Yours sincerely, 


In an important letter to Mr. Arnot, dated 29th October, 
1870, Mr. Southey acknowledges the receipt of seven volu- 
minous letters, and ingeniously argues in favour of Water- 
boer's claims. For instance, he says — 

" The Free State claims the Vetberg line by virtue of what 
A. Kok did ; but A. Kok did not define a boundary between 
Griquas and Free State, but between Waterboer and C. Kok. 
According to Adam Kok then, and admitted by the Free State — 
for they adopted his report, although they didn't act up to it — 
the land south of the Vetberg line was Waterboer's, and north 
of it, C. Kok's ; and it is worthy of note that the Vetberg line 


eastward terminated at a beacon of Adam Kok's ; and you mark 
that beacon as just outside of the line from Ramah to David's 
Grave. . . , The Vetberg line represented the boundary between 
the territories of Waterboer and C. Kok. The Griquas of Griqua- 
land West, according to Adam Kok's views, possessed land east 
of the Vaal River and north of the Vetberg line. Adam Kok 
proposed to consider that land Cornelius Kok's, not Waterboer's. 
Admit that, and what then? C. Kok was not a Free State 
subject, and never afterwards became one. Nor does the Free 
State allege, as far as I can see, that it ever purchased the land 
from C. Kok. We are justified in considering that Adam Kok 
considered the lands west of the line from Ramah via David's 
Graf to Platberg to belong to the Griquas. Kok held that all 
he did by his agreement with Sir Harry Smith was to give up 
his claim to a share of quitrent, and that the undisposed lands 
in the alienable territory still belonged to him. Sir H. Smith 
held a different opinion. It becomes needful for the Free State 
to show how it acquired the land which A. Kok assigned to 
Cornelius Kok ; and as it took possession before the transaction 
with Harvey in 1861, that transaction cannot be held to have 
conveyed it. 

' ' Up to the present time all the proofs addressed by the 
Free State in support of its claim to the land east of the Vaal 
River are — 

" 1st. That Sir H. Smith proclaimed H.M. Sovereignty over 
all the country between the Orange and Vaal Rivers. 

" 2nd. That Major Warden had granted certificates for three 
farms (or 2^) within the limits claimed by Waterboer. 

" 3rd. That the Free State Government has by resolutions 
and public notices laid claim to the land ; and 

" 4th. That it has appropriated it, and it is now occupied by 
Free State farmers. 

" As regards Sir H. Smith's proclamation it was expressly 
stated that it was only Sovereignty that was to be assumed, 
and all persons were guaranteed in their rights of property ; 
but, apart from that. Her Majesty did not confer her rights of 
Sovereignty on the Free State. The Sovereignty extended 
over Adam Kok, Moshesh, and others, all of whom, when her 
Sovereignty was withdrawn, became independent chiefs, and 
not subject to the Free State. If, therefore, our Sovereignty 


extended over Waterboer's territory east of the Vaal (which I 
do not think it did), that ceased when we withdrew. Water- 
boer's rights were as they had been before the Sovereignty was 

" And the other three proofs (?) are, of course, no proofs at 
all of lawfully acquired rights. 

"It is not much to be wondered at that under such circum- 
stances the Free State objected to submit to arbitration. The 
only chance for Waterboer and the Natives generally to be able 
to keep possession of their lands will be by Her Majesty taking 
them over. The Boer States, when they take in Native territory, 
take the land as property and not the people, except as servants ; 
they must go elsewhere. We, on the other hand, uphold the 
Aborigines' right of property, and only govern them and tax 
them to pay the expenses of Government." 

Letter to Mr. P. L. Buyskes, Diamond Fields, dated 
31st October, 1870— 

" Mr. John Campbell has been appointed a Magistrate for 
the country, and will shortly be on the ground. I hope to be 
in a position to aid and support the diggers in their exertions." 

To Mr. Vowe Smithfield, 29th November, 1870— 

"Free State Government is much put out in re Waterboer, 
but made a mistake in seizing all the country by proclamation. 
If they had submitted the dispute to arbitx^ation, and abided the 
result, we should not have had to move at present." 

To Mr. John Campbell, Magistrate and Administrator, 
Diamond Fields, 29th November, 1870— 

" I would recommend that you stick to your office, and do 
all by advice as much as you can. I would allow the diggers 
to settle matters among themselves if they desire it, and can 
do so. You might in many cases probably act as a sort of 
arbitrator, even in cases of a criminal character, which in this 
Colony would involve imprisonment, and let the cases be settled 
by fines. This would not apply to crimes of a serious nature, 
such as murder, robbery with violence, etc. 


" It will be well for you to act as much as you can in concert 
with the Diggers' Council, or any other " popular " authorities 
among themselves, and to get culprits brought before you by 
this means. Don't get into any conflict or quarrel with the 
Free State authorities. 

" Arnot has done a very stupid thing in writing threatening 
letters to Nicholson and the President of the Free State." 

The difficulty of managing Native affairs is illustrated 
in a letter from the Colonial Secretaiy to Mr. C. A. Smith 
Balfour, afterwards one of Mr. Molteno's Ministers,* dated 
31st January, 1871— 

" We get from Fynn Kreli's case, then from Blyth 
Gangeliswe's case, and these are directly opposed to each other, 
neither Kreli nor Gangeliswe, any more than our lawyers, con- 
sidering it necessary to adhere to plain facts. Then, perhaps, 
we get from Gumming his views, and from Warner his, and these 
again may be as widely different as Kreli's and Gangeliswe's. 
Under all these circumstances the Governor has decided on 
placing an Agent with Gangeliswe. 

" I shall endeavour to make Gangeliswe settle his account 
with Kreli for ill-treatment of the daughter. My opinion is 
that we should take in and govern the whole country up to 

" A little war between Kreli and Gangeliswe, if others could 
have been kept out of it, might not have been mischievous, but 
the reverse." 

The letters of Mr. D. Arnot to Mr. Southey would fill 
volumes. He seemed to possess the cacoethes scrihendi. 

Writing to Sir Henry Barkly C7i route to the Diamond 
Fields, 23rd February, 1871, Mr. Southey says— 

"The revenue of 1870 exceeds that of 1869 by £103,022, 
and is in excess of our Estimate by £117,626; under Expendi- 
ture you will perceive that under many heads it has been less 
than the estimated amounts. The excess under the head of 
Revenue is consequent on the House Tax Act passed last year^ 

* Subaequently Auditor-General of the Cape Colony. 


" You will see that Land Revenue exceeded our Estimate by 
£11,000. We tried to get these matters out of Parliamentary 
votes. The Assembly did not adopt our proposition. The 
Members interested in land matters said that this w^ould deprive 
them of opportunities for interfering periodically in the mode 
of disposal of them, and so earning ' an honest penny.' " 

Writing to Major Erskine, Colonial Secretary, Natal, on 
8th March, 1871— 

" Our income last year exceeded our expenditure by £40,000, 
and we shall have to guard against reckless voting of expenditure 
next Session. Of course, Mr. Coode has condemned your Harbour 
Works, and so he did ours at Port Elizabeth ; but then there 
was this to be said at Port Elizabeth, every one else had con- 
demned them, except perhaps a few interested in the expenditure, 
who did not care what happened so long as the money was spent 
and they got the lion's share of it. My notion respecting these 
things is that with the grumblers it is the expenditure of money 
in their localities that is really desired, and the success of the 
works is a secondary consideration. Still, our docks here are 
entirely a success. 

" Sad loss of life at one of our towns (Victoria West) by a 
waterspout the papers say, but I think a very heavy thunder- 
storm ; fifty or sixty people drowned, and a quarter of the 
village washed away." 

To Sir H. Barkly, King WUliam's Town, 11th March, 

" I was not surprised that Waterboer or Arnot tried to drive 
a good bargain. The latter has on several occasions hinted 
strongly at advantages for himself and others to be secured 
when we take over, such as a good salary in an official capacity 
with Waterboer, etc., but I do not anticipate any real difficulty 
on that head. Without us they are helpless. If Arnot retains 
and gets title to the lands Waterboer has given him, he will be 
a lucky man." 

Evidently Mr. Southey was the real mainstay of the 
British Government in its dispute with the Free State 


about the Diamond Fields. Writing to Sir H. Barkly 
on 11th March, he says — 

" I will prepare and forward to you a draft reply to Brand's 
letter of the 4th inst. I was glad to find that you had succeeded 
with Pretorius so well. Brand must ultimately come to some 
arrangement of the kind, but his case is so weak that I am not 
surprised at his resisting it by all means in his power. The reason 
why we extended Campbell's jurisdiction up to the Hart and 
Vaal Rivers beyond Waterboer's claims were that there existed 
no civilized government there. The territory was claimed by 
Pretorius, but owned by Aborigines, who owed no allegiance 
to him. 

" I will fix a day for the meeting of Parliament, and announce 
it in next Gazette." 

A long letter to Mr. Campbell, Diamond Fields, 23rd 
March, 1871, deals, among other matters, with the claim 
of the Transvaal to the Diamond Fields — 

"It would be desirable to ascertain what lands Montsioa 
and his people took possession of, and what the Boers, after they 
had succeeded in driving out Moselikatze. So far as I can under- 
stand, neither of them were in occupation of that between the 
Hart and Vaal belonging to the tribe of Mahurah. It cannot, 
in my opinion, be held that Montsioa ceded the land to the 
Boers. It was not his to cede. No Boers crossed the Vaal 
River till after 1842, and when they did cross they did so above 
the line claimed by Mahurah, and never occupied within that 
line, or attempted to do so, before the discoveiy of diamonds ; 
and Pretorius' letter to Doms corroborates that view." 

Letter to Mr. Campbell, Diamond Fields, 30th March, 

Commandant Bowker is on his way back to you with two 
or three hundred police, spare arms, etc. His Excellency has 
determined to resist by force the attempt of the Free State to 
coerce British subjects into an acquiescence with its unjust 
demands, but is quite prepared to submit the territorial question 
to arbitration. In the event of hostilities we should not only 


have to employ police and troops, but bi'ing down the Basutos 
with a view to recover their lost territory. Urge forbearance, 
so that if fighting there must be we should not commence it." 

Letter to Mr. D. Arnot, 6th April, 1871 — 

"I was surprised to find that His Excellency had forgotten 
all about Mahurah's people and the reasons why he had given 
Campbell jurisdiction over a portion of their territory, and that 
both His Excellency and Campbell agreed that this was a 
mistake ! The fact is that Sir Henry forgot his lesson. ... I 
have written to him." 

Mr. Southey goes on to say — 

"I have no doubt that he sees now things as they were. 
You seem to think that we are acting with too much caution, 
but you must not forget that there is the Home Government 
and our own Parliament to be satisfied." 

In a letter to Mr. T. H. Bowker, 20tli April, 1871, 
Mr. Southey predicts the route of the future railways, and 
that Grahamstown will be left out in the cold. He concludes 
by saying— 

" Depend on it, Grahamstown's true policy is to unite with 
Port Elizabeth as closely as possible ; and if she had tried that 
plan during the last twenty years, instead of keeping up a spirit 
of antagonism, she would be better off to-day." 

Earl Kimberley, the Secretary of State, had chosen Sir 
Henry Barkly to be Viceroy in the Cape Colony because 
he had earned the character of being "a very judicious 
Governor." He perfectly understood that he was to favour 
Eesponsible Government, and in fact was sent out to do so. 
Her Majesty's Government were of opinion that Colonists 
would act wisely in adopting Australian and Canadian 
principles of self-government. In his speech at the opening 
of Parliament, Sir Henry Barkly did not, however, assume 
a decisive tone, but merely referred, certainly in a suggestive 
manner, to the anomalous relations existing between the 


Executive and Legislature. Griqualand West might pro- 
bably be annexed to the Cape Colony ; Basutoland certainly 
should. The revenue showed a surplus of £35,000, and 
general prospects were improving. 

Mr. Molteno lost no time in moving that the period had 
arrived for llesponsible Government, and as a sop to the 
Cerberus of the East added a rider to the effect that a 
commission should be appointed to consider the expediency 
of Federation. A fierce debate in the Assembly continued 
for seven days. Mr, J. X. Merriman denounced Eesponsible 
Government, referred copiously to Australian newspapers 
for the purpose of showing how this system had proved a 
failure there, and declared that the Cape Colony was totally 
unfit for it, because it was a mass of corruption and ignorance. 
Mr. Abercrombie Smith's five objections were (1) want of 
education, (2) no independent thought, (3) defects in the 
management of the Divisional Councils, (4) the moral state 
of the Colony, and (5) the mixture of races. After Mr. 
Molteno had made what his biographer styles " an effective 
and crushing reply," Mr. Southey at considerable length 
defended Sir Philip Wodehouse's administration, and the 
enthusiastic Mr. Porter, full of romantic faith in the people, 
concluded the debate by declaring that " the present 
system was rotten to the core." The resolution was carried 
by thirty-one against twenty-six votes. A draft Bill was 
prepared with Mr. Porter's help, of which Mr. Molteno took 
charge, and it was carried by a majority. On reaching the 
Legislative Council Conservative instincts prevented it pass- 
ing, and it was rejected there by twelve votes to nine. 
Sir Henry Barkly in one of his despatches says that the 
majority comprised eight Eastern and four Western repre- 
sentatives, and the minority seven Western and two Eastern 
only, so that, as usual in this Colony, the question may be 
said to have resolved itself into the old struggle between 
East and West. Vainly did the East call out for Federation 
or Separation. 


To a certain extent the arguments in favour of Eespon- 
sible Government were based on optimistic sentiment. Mr. 
Porter said — 

" I do expect that fresh vigour and fresh energy will be 
infused into the body politic, and that it will carry the Colony 
forward on the path of progress. I wish to see a strong Execu- 
tive, I wish to see a career open to Colonial talent, and to see 
the character of Parliament raised by making the public services 
in it the honourable road to high political office." 

Mr. Molteno arrayed his arguments well. 

'* Business stands a better chance of being done properly by 
those who, living on the spot and knowing all the circumstances, 
can better understand it. , . . We are in a much better position 
to act wisely for ourselves than any man, however wise he may 
be, who lives at a distance. Something was evidently wanting 
in the Constitution to make it work efficiently, and the present 
abnormal, inharmonious condition of affairs should be terminated. 
In desiring the Colonists to adopt self-government, the statesmen 
of England wished to strengthen the bonds that unite the depen- 
dencies to the home country. Their state of pupillage had lasted 
fifteen years, and it was impossible to go backward, and now full 
time to show that they no longer required a nurse from Downing 
Street to guide their steps." 

As this subject is one of the greatest importance, it is 
well to publish the following grave and weighty reasons 
against the introduction of Eesponsible Government in the 
Cape Colony, contained in a Minute dated 26th April, 1871, 
signed by Mr. Southey and three other Members of the 
Executive Council. In this important document it is pointed 
out that any failure which may have occurred hitherto in 
the form of the existing form of Government is referable, 
in great part, to circumstances which may be specified as 
applying much more strongly to the proposed form of Govern- 
ment by Parliamentary majority, such as the sparseness of 
the population, the preponderance of native coloured races, 


want of education, diversities of race and lan£;ua2e among 
the white inhabitants, want of public opinion, difficulties 
of communication, inability of the best-informed and most 
competent Colonists to leave their homes and avocations to 
take part in public affairs without ruin to their private 
interest. These were in part foreseen, and are adverted to 
by the Lords of the Committee of the Privy Council on 
Trade and Plantations in their Keport of the 30th January, 
1850, accompanying Earl Grey's despatch to Governor Sir 
H. G. Smith, on the 31st January, 1850. But we submit, 
they say, that whatever the opinions or action of either 
House of the Parliament from time to time have been, or 
may be, on this question, this Legislature is not, in the actual 
circumstances of the Colony, the tribunal by which such an 
issue should be decided ; and that the question should be 
considered and decided by Her Majesty's Government, upon 
its own responsibility, in reference to the fitness or unfitness 
of the Colony for so momentous a change. 

Then come statistics, which show that the total of 
Europeans was only 181,000, and of Natives 314,000, exclu- 
sive of Kaffraria, in which there were 78,000 Natives and 
8000 white. In round numbers, out of a fixed population of 
580,000, two-thirds are still in a state of barbarism or semi- 
barbarism. The effects of this numerical preponderance of 
Natives might be very serious, as the franchise extends to all 
male inhabitants who occupy fixed property of the value of 
£25 (not annual), so that it is almost equivalent to universal 
occupation suffrage. Only 65,000 people could read out of a 
population of 496,000. 

" As regards sparseness of population, the population in the 
square mile was only 2-82. The Dutch-speaking majority of the 
population for the most part entertain strong prejudices against 
English habits and institutions. The two neighbouring Free 
Republics have been peopled by immigrants from this Colony, 
who have left it chiefly owing to their antagonism to English 
laws and customs, which impose a control, of which they are 


impatient, in regard to their treatment of the Native races ; and 
their countrymen still form the great majority of the white 
inhabitants of the Colony. 

" The feelings of antagonism between the white and black 
population, particularly in some of the frontier districts, both 
north and east, are very strong ; so much so, that in some parts 
it is scarcely held criminal for the white man to shoot a native 
who is suspected of depredation. That such feeling should exist 
is no matter of surprise to persons who have lived long in the 
country, for they know that the depredations of the frontier 
Natives upon the property of white inhabitants are very ruinous. 

" Again, public opinion hardly exists in this Colony. A few 
persons in the towns will, for a long period, influence the elec- 
tions in favour of political aspirants who are ambitious to qualify 
themselves for the struggle for office, in which the most com- 
petent and best qualified of the Colonists cannot, and will not, 
engage. The instability of legislation and policy, which is too 
characteristic of the present constituencies and Houses, will be 
intensified under any Administration which has to maintain itself 
by Parliamentary majorities ; and no such Administration will 
be able to maintain its stability except by expedients ruinous to 
the best interests of the country. 

"It is impossible now for the best qualified men in the out- 
lying districts to attend Parliament for three or four months ; it 
would be utterly impossible for them to accept offices in a Ministry ; 
and, virtually, more than is the case at present, the government 
of the country would devolve upon a few persons resident in and 
about Cape Town, to the intense dissatisfaction of the Eastern 

" We submit that the facts and considerations we have 
adduced show that the Colony is wholly unfit for the change in 
its form of government now proposed ; and further, that the 
dangers to be apprehended from the premature attempt thus to 
get rid of very minor difficulties attending the working of the 
present Constitution are too momentous to be risked upon the 
decision of its existing Legislature. 

" We deprecate any change which shall reduce the influence 
of the Crown in this Colony, which we regard as the chief bond 
by which its heterogeneous elements are held together. 

" To surrender this restraining influence will, we believe, lead 


to disturbance and strife of races within and without the Colony, 
annihilate English interests, and, looking upon this Colony as 
the chief standpoint for the spread of peace and progress in 
South Africa, will hopelessly throw back the civilization of a 
large area of this vast continent. 

" We have felt it our duty, as Colonists and servants of the 
Crown, to record thus unreservedly, for the information of those 
by whose policy we must submit to be guided, our conscientious 
views and convictions. 

"Be the issue what it may, we trust that we shall stand 
discharged of the consequences of political changes in their 
nature irrevocable, which we regard as fraught with the utmost 
danger to Colonial, and to more than Colonial interest ; and 
that we shall be acquitted of exceeding our duty to Her Majesty's 
Government and the Colony in urging, if there be yet an oppor- 
tunity, that the present policy of Her Majesty's Ministers may 
be reconsidered. 

" R. SouTHEY, Colonial Secretary. 

"J. C. Davidson, Treasurer-General. 

" E. M. Cole, Auditor-General. 

*' R. Graham, Collector of Customs." 

The Attorney-General (Mr. Griffith) sends in a separate 
Minute, in which he says — 

" The Dutch, who are in a large majority, are for the most 
part ignorant of the English language, and entertain strong 
prejudices, if not against English people, at least against English 
institutions, feelings, and habits of thought. Regarding them- 
selves as the lawful occupants of the country, they desire to keep 
Africa for themselves, and to keep down English interests and 
institutions. This is certainly true, as a rule, of the population 
of the remoter districts, who, after all, form a majority of the 
white portion of the constituencies. But the central and most 
immediate difficulty is in the very sparsely inhabited state of the 
country, added to the utter ignorance and want of education of 
the people. There would be a scramble for office among men 
who take to politics as a trade." 

The following special Memorandum, written about the 
same date by Mr. Southey, bearing reference to a confidential 


despatch sent by Sir H. Barkly to the Secretary of State, is 
of C0Dsideral)le interest : — 

" I beg to tender my thanks to His Excellency for so readily 
acceding to the request made in my note, and causing me to he 
furnished with the draft of His Excellency's confidential despatch 
to the Right Hon. the Secretary of State for the Colonies of the 
14th August last. 

" The length of time that has elapsed since that despatch was 
transmitted to Lord Kimberly, and the still greater lapse of time 
between this date and the occurrences in Parliament to which 
allusion is made, added to the circumstance that the despatch is 
a confidential one, in which the conduct of the Members of the 
Executive Council generally, and of myself and the Attorney - 
General in particular, is brought to the notice of the Secretary 
of State unfavourably, with regard to occurrences upon which 
we had not j^reviously been afforded opportunities for offering 
official explanations, places us as a body, and myself individually, 
in a very unenviable position. 

" It would, I conceive, be unbecoming on my part (were I 
disposed to do so, which I am not) to criticize the views and 
opinions of His Excellency as enumerated in the despatch. I 
shall, therefore, confine myself to a few remarks upon the matters 
in which my own conduct is more particularly mentioned. I 
would first, however, desire to say that His Excellency appears 
to me to have misapprehended the object which the Members of 
the Executive Council had in view in desiring to have placed on 
record the fact that the several important measures alluded to 
had been adopted without consultation with the Council. The 
Members of Council did not desire to complain of not having 
been consulted, much less to appear to thrust their opinions 
upon His Excellency unasked ; all they wished was to have a 
record of the fact, so that in the event of the action taken being 
hereafter shown to have had an injurious tendency, they would 
stand exonerated from responsibility, which they feared might 
not be the case in the absence of any record, seeing that the 
Royal Instructions appeared to require that in such cases there 
should be a record. 

" In the early part of the despatch His Excellency states as 
a reason for not deeming it advisable to consult the Council, that 


the iMeinbers had evinced a disinclination to co-operate in carrying 
out the special instructions of the Secretary of State, as repre- 
senting Her Majesty, after the pleasure of the Crown had been 
distinctly made known. 

" I am not conscious of having been guilty of this. I certainly 
did not desire to see a change in our form of Government forced 
upon the Colony against the wishes of a large majority of its 
people ; nor did I think it desirable that the Executive Govern- 
ment should actively aid any particular party in our House to 
endeavour to accomplish such an object, and I was under the 
impression that the views and opinions of H.M. Government 
were in accord with those sentiments." 

Lord Kimberley, in his despatch of the 17th October, 1870, 
states distinctly that Her Majesty's Government leaves it 
to the Colonists to decide in which direction their form of 
government should be changed, after the expression of an 
opinion that the establishment of a system of Eesponsible 
Government or the administration of the Colony as a quasi 
Crown Colony would be far preferable to the present system. 
And His Excellency in his opening speech gives utterance 
to the same sentiments. Mr. Southey goes on to say — 

"I cannot gather from these documents either that the 
pleasure of the Crown had been distinctly made known in 
respect to the change of government proposed by Mr. Molteno, 
or that there were any special instructions of the Secretary of 
State to co-operate with him and his party in effecting it ; but, 
on the contrary, the question of change, and what change, was 
to be left to the Colonists to decide upon. 

" I am not aware that the Members of the Executive, 
who have seats in Parliament, were under any ' promise ' not to 
interfere during the debates on the Responsible Government 
question. I had during conversations with His Excellency 
expressed my intention to avoid doing so, and so had, I believe, 
the other Members who naturally take part in Parliamentary 
discussions, and it was my anxious desire to have done so, and 
when at last I did say a few words it was not in defence of the 
^ policy ' of the Government of Sir P. Wodehouse, but of their 


acts, whicli had been misrepresented. If I had sat still and 
permitted those misrepresentations to go forth as facts 1 should 
have tacitly admitted their accuracy, which it appears His 
Excellency alludes to. A paragraph in the OraJiamstown 
Journal indicates that some Members of the Executive Council 
had divulged the transactions of that body, but as what is 
asserted by this journal did not take place in the Council, we 
must, I think, stand exonerated. 

"As before stated, it appears to me that His Excellency's 
despatch has been written under a misapprehension of the wishes 
of the Members of the Council in seeking to have placed on their 
records the fact that they had not been consulted. Still, I think 
I ought to remax'k very respectfully upon the reasons assigned 
by His Excellency for not consulting his Council before acting 
upon the Molteno-Scanlen Resolution of the Assembly. His 
Excellency did not consult the Council, because it could not be 
supposed that the slightest possible advantage would have resulted 
from such a course. On the contrary, I was fully aware, from 
the conversations I had had with those gentlemen (the Attorney- 
General and Colonial Secretary), that the Executive Council 
would recommend that the Resolution of the Assembly should 
be transmitted by me to the Legislative Council, with a message 
inquiring whether the latter body concurred therein ; but as 
this was the very step which the friends of Responsible Govern- 
ment considered would prove at once fatal to the further progress 
of the question which they urged it was most desirable it should 
at length come before the country in the shape of a substantive 
Government measure, I should have felt bound to reject such 
advice from the Executive Council in favour of the latter 
opinion, possibly in terms which might have given umbrage as 
inferring a doubt of the sincerity of the motives on which that 
advice was founded. 

" In this paragraph His Excellency appears to convey to the 
Secretary of State an opinion that his Executive Council would, 
from improper motives, have advised him to adopt a course which 
under the circumstances, in His Excellency's opinion, it was not 
desu'able to adopt, because the friends of Responsible Govern- 
ment considered it would prove at once fatal to the further 
progress of the question, 

" I cannot but think that on further consideration His 


Excellency would desire to withdraw so serious an imputation, 
as the above strikes me to be, on the character of the Members 
of the Council, for I feel assured that His Excellency must 
admit that whenever he has consulted his Council on any 
question whatever, the Members have given advice to the best 
of their judgments, and unbiased by political or personal con- 
siderations of any kind. We have never concealed our opinions 
on the particular question of the fitness of the Colony for the 
change in its form of government desired by Mr. Molteno and 
party, and if we had advised, as His Excellency concluded we 
should do, I am convinced that we should not have concealed 
our motives, but, on the contrary, should have openly stated 
that we believed the Council would not concur in the Resolution ; 
but that notwithstanding we considered the Council, as a repre- 
sentative body equally with the Assembly, was entitled to be 
consulted, and that such consultation would be in accordance 
with the Secretary of State's views as conveyed in the despatch 
before referred to, as well as the sentiments of the Governor's 
opening speech. 

" I am disposed, however, to think that if the question had 
been fully discussed in the Executive Council, the result would 
have been different to what His Excellency anticipated, and that 
the Council would have confined itself to advising that His 
Excellency should simply do what by the Resolution he was asked 
to do, viz. to appoint ' a commission to inquire ; ' but whatever 
the advice may have been it would have been open and candid. 

" The Bill was, as His Excellency says, before being sent to 
the Assembly, placed in my hands. It occurred thus. I waited 
upon His Excellency, as usual, in the interval between attendance 
at Select Committees and the meeting of the House (some time 
between twelve and two o'clock) to consult on public matters, 
during which His Excellency mentioned that he was going to 
send down that day the Responsible Government Bill, that it 
was then being copied by his private secretary, that he had made 
some alterations in the original draft of it, particularly as regards 
the retirement of the present Executive officers, etc., and added 
that I might read that part of it if I liked. He sent for it and 
placed it in my hands, and I looked over the part referred to. 
While doing so His Excellency said I might read the whole if 
I liked, but as I had very little time to spare, and the Bill was 


still in the rough, I did not do so. Before leaving I .said to His 
Excellency, ' I suppose they (meaning the Molteno party) will 
move it on,' to which His Excellency replied, ' I suppose so ■ 
when I have sent it down I have done with it.' With this 
understanding I left. The House met, as usual, at two o'clock, 
and soon afterwards the Bill was brought in, read a tirst time 
as a matter of course, after which the Speaker, looking at me, 
said, ' What day do you fix for the Second Reading ? ' I made 
no reply, expecting that Mr. Molteno or some one of his party 
would name a day, but they remained silent, and the Speaker 
repeated his question. Upon which I said, ' It is not my Bill.' 

" If I had attached any importance to the mere words used 
in replying to Mr. Speaker, or had supposed that those I did use 
meant anything more than that I had not charge of the Bill, I 
might have couched my reply in other terms, but no such idea 
occurred to me. I was under the impression that it had been 
arranged between His Excellency and Mr. Molteno's party ; that 
the measure was not a Government one, but one sent in by him 
at their request, and that, as His Excellency had said to me 
when he had complied with that request, he had done with it, 
and they must do the rest for themselves. I had no doubt 
whatever that Mr. Molteno well knew that the officers of the 
Executive had had no share in preparing the Bill, and, in fact, 
possessed no knowledge of its contents ; but I could well under- 
stand his desire to compel them, if possible, to urge on the Bill, 
and the remarks I subsequently made in defending myself from 
the attacks of Mr. Molteno applied to his knowledge of all these 
circumstances, and meant that he was fully awai^e, from his 
frequent interviews with His Excellency on the subject, that I 
had not charge of the Bill ; and the remarks I made about the 
way in which the Resolutions had reached His Excellency implied 
no ignorance of its having been sent by the usual course, but to 
the way in which it got out of the House. There was a very 
strong, and, I believe, a very general opinion entertained by 
Members of the House, in which I then concurred, and do still 
concur, that Mr. Speaker should not have forwarded the Resolu- 
tion to His Excellency until after a distinct motion to that effect 
had been adopted by a majority. There was nothing in the 
main Resolution to indicate a desire that His Excellency should 
be requested to do anything. I believed, and said so, that 


pressure had been brought to bear upon the Speaker by the 
friends of Responsible Government, with a view to deprive the 
opponents of the measure of the opportunity for further discuss- 
ing it upon a motion to send the Resolution to the Governor with 
a request that he would send in a Bill. The Resolution as framed 
did not do this, and the Bill was sent in, not at the request of 
the House, nor as a Government measure agreed to in Executive 
Council, but at the request of the leader of the Responsible 
Government party, who had succeeded in avoiding another dis- 
cussion in the Assembly, and, as I now find, had informed His 
Excellency that to ask the Legislative Council to concur in the 
Resolution would have been fatal to the further progress of the 

" I confess that if I had been consulted as to the course 
which the Governor should pursue under such circumstances, 
and bearing in mind that the Secretary of State's despatch and 
the Governor's opening speech both informed the public that 
the question of a change in their form of government and what 
that change should be was to be left to the decision of the 
Colonists, I should have been unable to advise the adoption 
of the course that was pursued, but, on the contrary, should 
have advised that His Excellency ' without bias ' should have 
left it to the framers of the Resolution to introduce a Bill 

"As to the matter of Federation, I admit that I am, as, I 
believe, very many who talk and write about it are, thoroughly 
ignorant of what the views, if they have any definite ones, of 
its promoters are, or as to what sort of scheme of federation 
could be adopted which would prove beneficial to the Colony. I 
can well understand that the Colony might be divided into two 
or three more parts, such sub-division being a separate local 
administration, and that these might be united under one general 
Government for certain purposes ; but whether or not the Colony 
as a whole would be benefited by such a process is an open 
question, and one to which I could have no objection whatever 
to have discussed in the Council, nor ultimately to have agreed 
to the appointment of a Commission to inquire and report upon 
it. I have held, and I believe my views have been in accord 
with those of Her Majesty's Government upon the subject, that 
at least while the existing form of government lasts it was 



better to keep it whole and strong than to cut it up into several 
weak provinces ; but I should change my views to some extent 
if what is called Responsible Government is to be forced 
prematurely upon us. 

" I can also, of course, understand that this Colony might 
join in a federation scheme with Natal and the neighbouring 
Free States, but the questions of the advantages and disadvantages 
of such a scheme are large questions demanding full and fair 
inquiry, and ought not to be hastily decided upon. 


Mr. Southey was strongly supported in his opposition to 
Eesponsible Government by the English portion of the com- 
munity. Port Elizabeth and Grahamstown took the lead, 
and expressed strong opinions in favour of federation, but 
Sir Henry Barkly, in reply to a petition on the subject, 
declared that Eesponsible Government should precede it. 
However, in proroguing Parliament the Governor said he 
would welcome any well-considered scheme for bringing 
about necessary changes, and was not wedded to any pre- 
conceived plan. 

It was in the Session of 1871 that the annexation of 
the Diamond Fields was determined upon by a majority of 
two, although opposed by Mr. Molteno. The Government, 
however, did not feel strong enough to bring in the Bill 
necessary for carrying out the object of the resolution. 

A letter to Mr. Innes, CO., Bedford, 6th May, 1871, 
refers to a burning question in the Eastern Districts. 

" We must try to do something to diminish stock-lifting or 
the destruction of it for the sake of the skins. Passes and 
certificates will never reduce the evil. I don't believe that 
King's Cattle-removal Bill has done the least good ; but the 
contrary, and its proper title should be a ' Bill to facilitate 
the removal of cattle,' for there appears to me more stealing 
now than there was before, and less detection." 

To Mr. D. Arnot, 29th June, 1871— 

" Mr. Campbell has forwarded from time to time satisfactory 


information relative to the progress of the inquiry, by which it 
seems that, so far as Waterboer is concerned, his claim is sub- 
stantial. You will be glad to hear that His Excellency has 
received from the Secretary of State needful authority to enable 
him to act, with the concurrence of our Parliament, in the 
matter of annexation. We shall soon submit a scheme." 

To Mr. Julyan, Agent-General, London, 4th August, 

"We have had a stormy and, on the whole, unprofitable 
Session, chiefly owing to an attempt to force on a change in 
our form of Government, contrary to the wishes and wants of 
a large majority of the people — chiefly those down East and near 
the Kafir frontier. This measure has taken up a large portion 
of the Session, and ended in being rejected by the Council. 
Our finances continue favourable, and area of Diamond Fields 

To Sir Henry Barkly, Cape Town. 

" Wynberg, 10th August, 1871. 
" Of course I do not concur in the views expressed generally 
(in draft Prorogation Speech) on the Government, or that the 
House of Assembly represents the feelings of the Colony more 
closely than the Council, but believe the reverse to be the case." 

To Mr. Julyan, 20th September, 1871— 

"We tried last Session again to get Parliamentary authority 
to purchase the Cape Town and Wellington line, but only suc- 
ceeded in obtaining authority to negotiate, and we can therefore 
only ask you to try and find out at what price the Company will 
sell. As regards harbour works, the House of Assembly desired 
that they should be subject to Mr, Coode's directions, and carried 
out under the management of some one to be sent out by him. 
The Governor, however, thinks that our Chief Inspector should 
supervise, and that the person Mr. Coode sends out must be a 
sort of Clerk of Works." 

To Mr. T. Bowker (head of the Mounted Police) 29th 
September, 1871 — 

" Move up towards the Diamond Fields ; not necessary to go 


at railway speed by post-cart. It will take a little time here 
to prepare before we issue the Proclamation ; and although we 
must be prepared to defend our measures by force, if need be, 
I would rather that the appearance of fighting or using force 
should commence on the Free State side. As regards the 
Diggers, I think that it will be best not to discuss with them 
the prospect of having a fight until it is sure that the Free 
State intends violence. The Diggers are British subjects, or, at 
all events, the mass of them. We cannot expect much more 
from them than to act on the defensive. If we want to capture 
Bloemfontein, we shall need other aid. The pay of the Police 
is intended to cover all costs. That was the foundation of 
General Cathcart's plan when the force was originated, and if 
we let in the small edge of the wedge, and supplement the pay 
by a little for this and a little for that, we shall do more to 
break up the force than has ever been attempted by any Member 
of the Legislature." 


Mr. Southey's Memorandum on the claims of the Free State to the Diamond 
Fields — Sir Henry Barkly's comments — Mr. Campbell's letters — Corre- 
spondence — Keate's award — Arnot's letters — Session of 1872 — Respon- 
sible Government carried — Letters from Mr. Soiithey and Sir Henry 
Barkly — Mr. Southey declines to take office under new regime — Respon- 
sible Government, Sir H. Barkly and a summary of the situation — Mr. 
Southey made C.M.G., receives a pension and flattering testimonials. 

ON the 20th January, 1871, Mr. Southey %vrote the 
following important Memorandum bearing reference 
to the claims of the Orange Free State to the Diamond 
Fields :— 

"Memo. — In President Brand's letters respecting the 
boundary disputes between himself and Waterboer, he has 
invariably maintained that the territory on the left bank of 
the Vaal River, and generally alluded to as being within the 
' Vetberg Line,' was, beyond dispute, the property of the Free 
State, and had been in the undisputed occupation of Free State 
subjects for the last twenty years, etc. This was particularly 
urged in the Protest sent to the Secretary of State for Foreign 
AflFairs, and in consequence we asked for extracts from his Land 
Register, showing what lands there were within the Vetberg 
line, the dates of grants, etc. 

"With Mr. Brand's letter of 18th inst. we have received a 
list of fifty-six farms said to be within the first line, and in the 
letter Mr. Brand says it is an abstract taken from the books of 
the Registrar of Deeds, and the Registrar of Deeds certifies that 
it is a ' true account of what is to be found in our Land Registry 
respecting the before-mentioned farms ! ' Yet with respect to 
the very first on the list (No. 1) it is shown that it has never 
been registered in their books at all ! 

" Four others, Nos. 44, 45, 49, and 56, have merely the names 
of the farms registered. No sales, or grants, or present owners. 


" With respect to all these farms, it is worthy of remark that 
they are alleged in the books of the Free State to have beeu 
. granted or sold by Cornelius Kok, up to as late as the year in 
which he died (1859), thus admitting apparently that C. Kok 
exercised Sovereign rights within the Vetberg line up to the 
day of his death, notwithstanding the assertion of Mr. Brand 
that the country was then in the undisturbed possession of his 

" In a large majority of these cases the farms are alleged to 
have been granted or sold by C. Kok to Griquas, his own subjects, 
and they appear to have sold to persons who never got the farms 
registered in the Free State books, and some of these trans- 
actions have been as late as 1864 and 1865, i.e. up to these dates 
farms within the territory claimed by the Orange Free State as 
having been in the undisturbed occupation of its subjects for 
the last twenty years were the property of Griqua subjects (so- 
called) of C. Kok, by virtue of grants from C Kok, some of 
which grants were made during the years 1858 and 1859. 

" How is it possible that Mr. Brand can hold, under these 
circumstances, that these farms are within the Free State Terri- 
tory? According to their own showing they were, up to the 
time of being sold to persons who got them registered in the 
Free State books, within the limits of C. Kok's jurisdiction, who 
had, and exercised, the right of disposal either by sale or free 

" The Free State appears to hold that when a European 
obtained a farm from a Griqua, and sought to register it in 
the Free State books, these transactions made the land Free 
State territory ; and it was not even necessary that the pur- 
chasers should be Free State subjects, for I observe that many 
of them were Englishmen, and some of the farms are still the 
property, according to the Free State books, of British subjects 
residing within the Colony, and never have, apparently, stood in 
the names of Free State subjects. Take a case (and there are 
many such on the list). ^Y. H. Coleman, a British subject, pro- 
ceeds from this Colony to the Free State and opens a place of 
business, supported by Dunell, Ebden & Co., of Port Elizabeth. 
Coleman purchases a farm within the disputed limits from a 
Griqua, who obtained it by gift from C. Kok in 1856; Cole- 
man then gets the farm registered in the Free State books, 


and transfers it to his principals, Dunell, Ebden & Co., of Port 
Elizabeth. See cases Nos. 4 and 5 on the list, 

" Or take No. 35, Pniel. The Berlin Missionary Society was 
in occupation of that place long before Sir Harry Smith's 
Proclamation of 1848 — by permission obtained from some Native 
Chief, some say old Waterboer. Yet in August, 1857, the Society 
is alleged to have purchased the place from C. Kok, and to have 
got it registered in Free State books in October, 1857. How is 
it possible that that pui'chase can have made the place Free 
State territory ? The Society is a Foreign one. 

" Waterboer holds that many of these transactions were 
fictitious, or fraudulent, that there were certain Griquas able 
to write who manufactured Deeds of sale or grant by C Kok 
(who was himself unable to read or write) or, in his name, to 
themselves or to any one, and then sold either for themselves or, 
as Agents to Boers, or to any one who would pay for them ; and 
as an example of this, attention has been drawn to the case 
marked No. 55 on the list. According to the list this farm was 
sold by Captain C. Kok on 15th June, 1855, and transferred on 
18th August, 1860, to W. J. Smit. Some original documents in 
this case got into the hands of Mr. Arnot, who forwarded them 
to me. 

" By these it will be seen that Cornelius Kok's mark is put 
to a document purporting to be a deed of sale of the farm Yaal- 
bosch Pan to William Smit, and his mark is put a second time 
to denote an acknowledgment of having been paid the purchase- 
money. The document is in the handwriting of W. O. Corner, 
who signs as witness, and it is dated 10th January, 1855. 

" Below this and on same paper is a certificate by the 
Registrar of Deeds at Bloemfontein (whose handwriting I knoNv*-) 
stating that it was transferred at Fauresmith on 26th July, 1860, 
and at Bloemfontein provisionally on 18th August, 1860. 

" The water-mark on this piece of paper shows that it was 
manufactured in England in 1856, or at least a year after the 
date of the document written upon it ! Then it was transferred 
in 1860, by virtue of a Power of Attorney granted by W. O. 
Corner, to J. A. Hohne, he (Corner) acting under a Power of 
Attorney granted to him in 1856 by Cornelius Kok. C. Kok 
died in 1859 (I believe; I haven't documents here), a year 
before his power is used ! 


" The Free State says the territory within the Vetberg Line 
has been in the undisturbed occupation of its subjects for the 
last twenty years, and their Courts have exercised jurisdiction 
over it during the same period. The Free State is not quite 
seventeen years old, and now it is shown by their own books 
that up to 1859, when he died, Cornelius Kok, who was (the Free 
State says) an independent Chieftain, exercised Sovereign rights 
within the territory by selling and granting lands." * 

«R. S. 
" Wynberg, 20th January, 1871," 

Commenting on the foregoing, Sir Henry Barkly says in 
a letter of 20th January, 1871— 

" Your comments on the list of farms seem to me so com- 
pletely to demolish Mr. Brand's pretensions as to the Vetberg 
line having formed the Free State boundary for twenty years 
past, that I think they ought to be put in the shape of an answer 
from me to him." 

Sir Henry Barkly went up to the Fields early in 1871, 
and the following are short extracts from his letters : — 

'• Klipdrift, 26th February, 1871. 
" Both at Pniel and here my reception was enthusiastic, and 
it will be difficult to resist being carried away by so much loyalty. 
All the chiefs are here — Waterboer, Mankoraone, Montsioa, etc., 
and a host of minor dignities. I have given Mr. Arnot the copy 
of the correspondence with Mr. Brand." 

" 28th February, 1871. 
" I had my private interview with Waterboer and his Coun- 
cillors yesterday, and it passed off well. I attach great importance, 
at the present moment, to their permission to confirm titles to 
hona fide occupants of farms within the Vetberg line. Later in 
the day Mr. Ai-not handed me what he styles a Memorandum, 
which had been evidently carefully concocted beforehand, in 
which the usual preposterous demands are put forward on behalf 
of himself and Waterboer, 25 per cent, of the gross revenue to 

* In order to give the other side of the question, the arguments of the 
Orange Free State will be found in full in the Appendix. 


be paid over to them, and the farms in all directions out of the 
Transvaal and Free State encroachments to be reserved for them 
and their friends. In short, they wish the British Government 
to pick the chestnuts out of the fire, while they enact the 
monkey's part and eat them. ... I am vexed, however, at 
Mr. A.'s showing the cloven foot, though I always rather mis- 
trusted him." 

President Pretorius (Transvaal) came to meet Sir Henry 
Barkly at Klipdrift, still, however, keeping his commando 
under arms. The latter determined to circumvent him, and 
therefore proposed a Commission — writing to the Colonial 
Secretary at the same time that " this is the only plan short 
of fighting it out — which I am forbidden to do." 

" 3rd March, 1871. 

" Pretorius is accompanied by his Attorney-General, Klein, a 
sharp little German lawyer. Pretorius did not object to a Com- 
mission, but it took some time to settle the terms — Mr. Campbell 
to be British Commissioner ; Mr. O'Reilly, Landrost of Wakker- 
stroom, to act for the Transvaal ; and if they cannot agree, then 
Lieutenant-Governor Keate, of Natal, to be arbitrator ; failing 
him, the Chief Justice of the Cape Colony. 

" Exercise of concomitant authority arranged until the result 
of the reference ascertained. All the Chiefs present, with the 
exception of Mankoroane, duly made their marks on the Deed of 
Submission, and the diggers were thoroughly satisfied." 

Sir H. Barkly goes on to say — 

" I shall try to get Mr. Brand to agree to similar arrange- 
ments. ... Of course, Mr. Campbell will temporize until he 
gets up the Mounted Police, but a collision may come at any 
moment. Indeed, a row is not improbable to-day, as the 
Diggers' Committee have taken some steps of which Mr. Truter 

" Bloemfontein, 9th March, 1871. 
" I was received with considerable military display by the 
President, but, at the same time, with much cordiality. Our 
joint entry into the town was rendered rather ominous from the 


fact that the Cape cart which His Honour had invited me to 
enter ran away, and in turning a corner too sharply the vehicle 
upset, and Mr. Brand and myself, with the other occupants, were 
shot out just under the Triumphal Arch. Only a few cuts and 
bruises — my head was laid open. ... I had a private letter from 
Mr. Brand asking for a private interview. It took place, Mr. 
Bowker being the only one besides ourselves present. His Honour 
got a good deal excited, and insisted on the necessity of my with- 
drawing and disavowing Mr. Campbell's notices (Magistrate 
Klipdrift and Commissioner) as an attack on the integrity of 
the Free State territory. . . . He spoke vaguely of the possi- 
bility of the Volksraad consenting to refer the Vetberg line 
either to the President of the United States or to the King of 
Holland. On my asking how things were to go on meanwhile, 
he only swaggered as to maintaining Free State rights, and said 
he must send a sufficient force of his burghers to keep the Diggers 
in order." 

Writing from Klipdrift on 22nd January, 1871, Mr. 
Campbell says — 

" I have received information from a reliable source that 
Pretorius intends settling the boundary question by force of 
arms, that he intends establishing a Magistrate where I am, and 
declaring the country to be Transvaal territory. Of course, any 
such attempt would be opposed by a large majority of the Diggers, 
who have readily come forward to protect the British flag." 

An important piece of evidence in connection with 
Waterboer's claim to the Diamond Fields is to be found in 
a letter from Surveyor Ford, dated 4th April, 1871. He says 
that Major Warden claimed Waterboer's land. 

" But the matter was referred to Sir Harry, who, having heard 
both sides, decided that the land belonged to Waterboer. Major 
Warden found that the country had belonged to, and been aban- 
doned by Cornelius Kok, and based his claim upon this supposi- 
tion. Waterboer established his title to the satisfaction of the 
High Commissioner, and the disgust of the British Resident." 

Mr. Campbell's letters from Bloemhof, when acting as 


Commissioner, are full and explicit. "Writing on 20tli April, 
1871, he says — 

" Pretorius conducts himself in a very quiet manner, and 
seldom suggests a question to his Attorney. I don't think that 
political Missionary, Mr. Loedorf, who has the conduct of all the 
Chiefs' cases, except Mankoroane's, is doing much good sticking up 
every petty Chief as being the Paramount, and thus laying claim 
to land which he must know they never had any claim to, but 
has induced some to believe that because their great grandfather 
was buried in that part of the country they must be the lawful 

A document, which Loedorf admitted was the original 
agreement in 1851, and never out of his possession, was 
found to be written on paper with the watermark of 1868. 

" Again, I discovered in his book the exact evidence written 
down which each of his witnesses stated — all telling the same 
story without the slightest variation, showing how they had been 

Among the documents of 1871 is one which, although 
bearing on an entirely different subject from that to which 
at present chief reference is made, requires to be quoted 
because of its significance in connection with an important 
question of the present day, namely, placing the management 
of main roads in the hands of Government. Mr. C. L. Stretch, 
himseK an experienced roadmaker, writing to Mr. Southey 
from Glenavon on 8th May, 1871, says : " I sincerely hope 
the main roads will be taken out of the control of the Divi- 
sional Councils. The Zuurberg, which cost £80,000, is going 
to ruin, and other passes also." 

Eeturning to the claims to the Diamond Fields, we find 
Mr. Campbell stating, on 1st May, 1871, that — 

"Had it not been for that mischievous Parson Eobinson, lately 
at Trinity Church, Port EHzabeth, the cases might have been 
disposed of, for the Chiefs had arranged among themselves about 
the boundary lines, which I believe the Transvaal would gladly 


have accepted, but Robinson throws in Jantje's claim, and then 
the matter fell through." 

This Chief appeared to have no claim to land, but, never- 
theless, had sold 170 forms, and the purchasers (at uncom- 
monly low rates) were much interested. 

On 29th May, 1871 (Bloemhof), Mr. Campbell says— 

" I must confess that I have been much staggered by some of 
the evidence, especially the production of that document signed 
' Waterhoer,' written to GriefF, and which was given in evidence 
in the Free State case, and denied by Waterboer as per your and 
Mr. Griffith's letters to Sir H. Barkly. I believe this document 
to be genuine, and two more, signed precisely in the same way, 
have been produced, and on my exhibiting them to Mr. Arnot, 
he changed colour, and said the body of these letters certainly 
appeared like Waterboer's, but before he became Waterboer's 
agent he was not acquainted with his signature, and I am told, 
and believe there is no occasion to doubt the assertion, that many 
other letters signed in the same way can be produced, and wit- 
nesses forthcoming who have seen him sign in that style, and it 
has only been since Waterboer appointed Arnot his agent that 
he signed his name ' Waterboer.' Arnot said Waterboer autho- 
rized him to deny the signature. I don't like the aspect of this 
transaction, and I have discovered him tripping on several occa- 
sions. However, as the decree will not rest upon the validity of 
this document, I will make no further remark." 

Mr. Southey, writing to Mr. Campbell on 8 th June, 1871, 
says — 

"I am sorry that any doubts have arisen as to the truth of 
the assertion that the document signed ' Waterboer ' was a 
forgery. You must not jump at conclusions about it. I cannot 
see the object in denying the signature if it were genuine." 

To Mr. D. Arnot, on 29th October, 1871, Mr. Southey 
writes — 

" I hope you have received the letter recognizing you as the 
agent, etc., of Mankoroane. I feel that the iutei'ests of those 
people of whom he is Chief require looking after, and I shall be 


glad to see hereafter that our limits are extended so as to take 
them in as British subjects. In my opinion the Transvaal 
Government has never honestly actjuired any portion of their 

As might have been foreseen, Commissioners Campbell 
and O'Eeilly could not agree, and accordingly all the evidence 
had to be sent to the Supreme Arbitrator, Lieutenant-Governor 
Keate, of Natal. In the mean time there was a good deal of 
anxiety and alarm. 

A despatch from Downing Street of 3rd June, 1871, tells 
Sir Henry Barkly — 

"In consequence of your having received information that 
a commando of one thousand armed men, with two pieces of 
artillery, was on the way to Pniel and Cawood's Hope, you had 
oi'dered the concentration of the whole of the available strength 
of the Mounted Police at Hopetown. I approve of your havino- 
taken this step, and of your having represented to the President 
in firm language the danger of the course which he had pursued. 
Her Majesty's Government have no wish or intention to violate 
any right which belongs to the Orange Free State, but they cannot 
admit the pretensions founded by Mr. Brand on the 2nd article 
of the Convention of 1854, nor can they consent to refer to 
arbitration the point raised by him as to its construction. They 
see no reason why arrangements should not be entered into by 
the Orange Free State for arbitration with respect to the dis- 
puted lands which you reported in your despatch of 8th March 
last had been agreed to by the President of the Transvaal 

In May, 1871, Sir H. Barkly writes to Mr. Southey— 

" I send you Keate's award, which is all right, giving Water- 
boer, I think, exactly the boundary line laid down in the map 
which accompanied your Government notice of September, 1870. 
Mankoroane does not seem to be mentioned, but implied in the 
general award to the Barolongs and Batlapins." 

222 Slli lilCEARD SOUTHEY. 

Sir H. Barkly to Mr. Soutliey— 

" Government House, 8th September, 1871. 
" I send you a long letter from Arnot denying point-blank 
the genuineness of the alleged letter from Andries Waterboer. 
I wish he had sent the official disavowal of Waterboer and his 
Raad. Would it not be well to apply for it at once now ? I 
could hardly write again to Brand and base my assertion of the 
letters being a forgery on Arnot's private letter." 

In a subsequent letter Sir H. Barkly says — 

" There is a Despatch as to the Resolutions of Parliament 
about annexing the Diamond Fields, which would do credit to 
the Delphic Oracle ; but it may be read — as meant — favourably." 

The Keate award immensely strengthened the British 
position, and we find Mr. Campbell writing from Klipdrift 
on 20th November, 1871— 

" I am glad to tell you that on Friday we publicly proclaimed 
the area of each Diamond Field at De Beers, Du Toits, and 
Bultfontein, and hoisted the Union Jack amidst great acclama- 
tion, and everything has passed off quietly, and without the 
slightest demonstration on the part of the Free State." 

There is a long argumentative letter drafted by Mr. 
Southey addressed to the President of the South African 
Eepublic in reply to his repudiation of the Keate Award. 
The technical objections of the Republic seem to be of a 
pettifogging character easily disposed of. 

On 17th October, 1871, Mr. Campbell says— 

"I last evening saw a gentleman from Du Toits Pan who 
informed me that he had been spending an evening with Mr, 
Hohne, the Free State Secretary, who had said they could see 
the British Government was determined to have the Diamond 
Fields, and so they intended letting them go, admitting at the 
same time there has been strong dissatisfaction against the Free 
State by the Diggers, and that he saw no means of satisfying or 
removing them. I presume Hohne speaks the sentiments of his 
Government. Unless you do immediately proclaim the territory 


the Diggers themselves will do so, for they are becoming very 
excited, and daily more dissatisfied with the Free State." 

The correspondence with numerous claimants for the 
ownership of the Diamond Fields is most extensive. Mr. 
Arnot's contributions alone would fill volumes. To those 
who are interested in the relative claims of Waterboer and 
the Free State we commend perusal of the Protest of the 
Volksraad of the Orange Free State and the Memorandum 
of Mr. Southey in reply.* 

A letter from Sir Henry Barkly, dated 8th January, 
1872, reports that in the Northam he had made the shortest 
passage on record from Cape Town to Port Elizabeth in 
thirty-six hours. Writing of the railway, he says — 

" I have just seen Mr. Brounger, who is full of the Coerney 
Valley route, but it seems by no means free from engineering 
difficulties, and in fact the scrub is so dense that he has scarcely 
cut his way through it yet." 

Writing on 2nd February, 1872, Sir Henry Barkly says — 

"Arnot is in high dudgeon that nothing has been done to 
recognize his land titles, which he considers in connection with 
those of Waterboer stand on a different footing from all others, 
or to give him any pecuniaiy allowance or indemnity which he 
asserts was one of the conditions of annexation ! The fact is he 
must be very hard up, as he says the Chief tried to borrow money 
from him, and he is afraid that his affairs are not to be settled 
till after the Land Commissioners have reported. It will be as 
well to comb him down when you write to him." 

Letter from Mr. Southey to Sir H. Barkly, 8th February, 

" I have been smoothing Arnot down as much as possible. 
I can scarcely fancy that he is so hard up, but am disposed to 
think he is anxious to fix this Government to a confirmation of 
all the grants." 

* See Appendix. 


Mr. Ariiot's letters are now not so numerous. In one or 
two of them he brings forward another incomparable son-in- 
law for appointment — 

" I have been lookiag out," he says on 23rd July, 1872, 
" most anxiously for a few lines from you to ena])le me to cheer 
up young Smuts. . . . Perhaps in the mean time you are looking 
out something good for him. . . . Could you not make him 
Registrar of the High Court here ? " 

Poor Mr. Arnot himself suffered from non-appreciation. 
He says in July, 1872 — 

" Have you seen lately what that infidel low Dutch beast 
(the editor of the Volkshlad) said ? After calling me, as I hear, 
a Hottentot, Bushman, or Kafir, I do not know which, the 
fellow says I was kicked into the position of a J. P. for the 
annexation business and my impertinence to the President ! As 
if I bothered my head about the annexation, or could be half 
as rude or impertinent as his demi-god Brand. From the habitual 
Billingsgate of that editor, I should say he is descended from one 
of those Dutch originally transported to this Colony when a 
penal settlement. ... I must have some money." 

Although what we are now about to quote occurred after 
Mr. Southey had quitted office in Griqualand West, it is 
nevertheless desirable to publish it for the purpose of show- 
ing the denouement of transactions already referred to. 

" Kimberley, 18th March, 1876. 
" My dear Mr. Southey, — 

"Judgment has been pronounced by Stockenstrom. I believe 
only to be somewhat decent he has accorded me only Eskdale, 
and has withheld or disallowed the erven at Douglas, contained 
in the grant of Eskdale. Matters, therefore, are desperate. I 
only wish I knew in 1870 the kind of Government I had to do 
with ; the cession would never have been made to the British 
Government. I would ten times rather have gone in for the 
Free State, who paid Adam Kok and his Griquas honourably. 


"Murray is sending you the Diamond News containing the 
judgment. It is necessary that you should see it. Your name 
is brought up in it. 

" I ascribe my ruin to having all along been treated in a 
most disingenuous manner. Moreover, it is not true that the 
country had to be made over, and Waterboer, his Griquas and 
grantees, to get no land. Just see how scandalously they are 
to be treated according to judgment. Have they money to pay 
law costs or go to appeal ? This is certainly a nice way of 
acquiring territory ! 

"As to Van Rooy, I believe because he lied so the other 
day his farms have been disallowed. What the old beggar is 
to do now I cannot say. I wish you would send orders to some 
one to take his P. N.'s of yours from me and collect the same. 

"With kindest regards to Mrs. S., yourself, and family. 

" Yours sincerely, 

"D. Arnot." 

"P.S.— As I am leaving for Eskdale to-day, kindly write 
your next lettei's to Eskdale. I must look about at my age 
to see again how to recommence the world. My twenty years 
in Griqua and British interests thrown to the winds. Don't 
refer to £1000 annuity. I might die to-morrow, and what would 
become of my wife and children ? — D. A." 

In order to keep up continuity, we must now quote Mr. 
Arnot's last letter to Mr. Southey. Alas ! for the vanity 
of human wishes ; this indefatigable man was cruelly 

On 1st April, 1876, he says to Mr. Southey, " I fully 
expected that Stockenstrom (Judge) would deprive me of 
all he possibly could." Then Mr. Southey replies — 

" To Hon. David Arnot, Esq. 

^ ^ ^ >^ >^; 

"Even before the receipt of your letter I heard that the 
Councillors of Waterboer had disavowed all knowledge of larger 
grants than two farms. His (Stockenstrom's) judgment is an 
extraordinary one, but I consider it unsafe to criticise it publicly 
without having the evidence. According to him, Nomads ever 



remain in that state, and although the Griquas settled down, 
established towns, led out water, elected an educated man as 
their Chief, entered into treaties with England, and with other 
native people, and built stone houses, still they cannot emerge 
from the position of Nomads. I am drafting something on the 
subject for the Press, but before publishing it should like to see 
the evidence. 

"I telegraphed to Coryndon that the certificate Sir H. B. 
took with him to Griqualand in 1872 had been found, and that 
it included all the lands in South Albania claimed by you, i.e. 
Eskdale, the Reserve, and erven at Douglas. It was not signed, 
but I always understood from Sir H. and yourself that it would 
have been signed and issued to you at the time if you had desired 
it. You wanted certificates for North Albania, which then we 
considered could not be issued. How you can be deprived of 
the farms leased from you by Cawood and others, and the land 
be given to them, is a marvel to me. It seems to me that 
Stockenstrom has disregarded law as it stood, and built up a 
theory for his guidance to supersede law. 

"Yours, etc. 


The Representative for the Batlapin and Baralong tribes 
writes on 29th September, 1872, stating that the Chief 
Mankoroane entirely repudiates the cession of 840 square 
miles of Batlapin territory to Mr. David Arnot. The Chief 
himself makes a declaration, in which he says that Mr. 
Arnot got him to sign a cession under false pretences, he, 
Mankoroane, believing that this document merely contained 
a promise to pay Mr, Arnot for the trouble he had taken to 
advocate the territorial claims of his people. 

In the Session of 1872 Sir Henry Barkly again brought 
forward the Responsible Government Bill, The Attorney- 
General (Mr, Griffith), who opposed the measure, was on 
leave, but Mr. Simeon Jacobs, who acted for him, was in 
favour of the Bill, and introduced it. By a majority of ten 
the Assembly declared its approval, but in the Legislative 
Council there was much difficulty. Pressure was, however, 


brought to bear upon Dr. Hiddingh and Mr. De Koubaix, 
who had previously been opponents of Kesponsible Govern- 
ment. They asked for an expression of the wishes of 
their constituents, and received deputations from various 
places ; among others, Mr. Advocate Eeitz, afterwards 
President of the Orange Free State, presented the Swellendam 
petition. The two doubting members felt their doubts 
ended, and voted for the measure, which was thus carried 
in the Upper House by a majority of one. 

During this Session (1872) it became Mr. Southey's duty 
to introduce a Bill for the annexation of Griqualand "West 
which was opposed by Messrs. Molteno, Solomon, and 
Merriman. Conservatives joined with the Eesponsible 
Government members in opposing it, and it had consecLuently 
to be withdrawn, to be enacted at a later period. 

Another crisis had now taken place in Mr. Southey's 
affairs, and the following memorandum, letter, and despatch 
bear special reference to his position and prospects. They 
also, of course, throw light on the political history of the time. 

"Parliament, which virtually abolishes my present office, 
provides that if I retire I shall be entitled to claim such pension 
as Her Majesty's Secretary of State shall award ; but if I again 
take office, under the new order of things, my pension, or so 
much of it as shall not be in excess of the salary of the new 
office, shall cease during the time I hold office ; and as the 
highest salary to be enjoyed by the holder of any of the new 
offices is £1200 a year, it follows that I, if I accepted office, 
would in reality be working for nothing. 

"Then as regards public matters, I may be allowed to say 
that I think it better that at first the working of the new order 
of things should be undertaken by persons who see their way 
clearly to making them successful. 

" I have been a member of the Executive Council for a 
period of twelve years, and, with the exception of the last year 
or so, we have during that time had to struggle against an 
expenditure largely in excess of the Revenue. 

" When I entered office as Acting-Colonial Secretary in 


18G0, I found that the Government had been compelled to 
borrow large sums of money from the Imperial (Commissariat) 
Chest, and had also spent considerable sums for ordinary 
purposes out of monies raised for special purposes, and there 
was consequently a large deficiency to be made up ; and 
although the Parliament was occasionally induced to grant 
additional revenue, it never was, until the adventitious circum- 
stance of the discovery of diamonds just beyond our border, 
sufficient to cover the voted expenditure. 

" The consequence of this has been that the Government was 
compelled to reduce expenditure whenever practicable, and to 
refuse compliance with applications for increased expenditure, 
if such increased expenditure could by any possibility be avoided. 
The result has been that the people have been deprived of 
various public conveniences, and been refused others, which they 
considered to be essential to their wants ; and I anticipate, 
therefore, that when the change takes place demands for 
increased expenditure will be made, which I should not see 
my way to comply with. 

" There is another important matter to which I may allude, 
and that is the Native question, in which I have ever taken a 
lively interest. There can be no denial that, under the existing 
form of Government, during the last fifteen years, the Natives 
within and beyond our borders have made great advances towards 
civilization, and they are still advancing ; but there is also no 
denying that the white population living near the borders are 
not satisfied, and I shall not be surprised to find that pressure 
will be brought to bear upon the Government for special and 
exceptional laws, applicable to Natives alone, such as I, holding 
the strong opinions that I do on the matter, should be unable 
to comply with ; while possibly others, who have not, as I have, 
had to deal with Native questions, might see their way to a 

" Without entering into more detail, I may say that it 
strikes me that on these two questions of finance and Native 
affairs I should be unable to act up to popular demands, and 
an early change of Government might ensue, which I think it 
is desirable to avoid if possible. 

" Under these circumstances, I had, before Your Excellency 
suggested my appointment to Griqualand, thought that my 


action should be, not to take office, but to go into Parliament 
as an independent member, render such assistance as I properly 
could to the new Government, and aid in checking (if I could) 
expenditure in excess of income, and also attempts at Radical 
changes in Native matters, which might appear to me to have 
an injurious tendency. — R.S." 

Extract from a private note to His Excellency Sir Henry 
Barkly — 

" Colonial Office, 17th October, 1872. 
" My dear Sir, — With reference to your Excellency's note 
of the 14th ult., written at New Rush, Diamond Fields, in 
which you inform me that you had received from England an 
Order in Council confirming the Constitution Ordinance Amend- 
ment Act, and (alluding to conversations that had passed between 
us) express a wish to learn whether I have made up my mind 
to obtain a seat in Parliament, and if so am prepared to retain 
the Colonial Secretaryship under the new order of things, and 
to form a Responsible Ministry for carrying on the business of 
the country, and in which you add that in the event of my 
deciding not to adopt this course you proffer for my acceptance 
the post of Administrator of the Affairs of Griqualand West. 

* * :■.= * * 

"Thanking your Excellency very heartily for your kindness 
in these matters, and for your expressions of confidence in my 
ability to perform the duties of Administrator of the Affairs of 
Griqualand West, and referring to my note of the 27th ult., 
addressed to you at Worcester, and likewise to our subsequent 
conversations, I beg now to say that I do not wish to enter 
Parliament with a view to taking office under the new order of 
things. There are many reasons, both of a private and of a 
public nature, which to my mind render it undesirable that I 
should adopt that course, some of which I will allude to here. 

" First, with respect to private matters, I have arrived at 
an age when I may claim to retire on a pension, and as my office 
will virtually be abolished by the operation of the Constitution 
Ordinance Amendment Act, and I entered the Service originally, 
not in the ordinary way, as a clerk, but was selected for employ- 
ment in consequence of special aptitude for the duties required 
at the time to be performed, and adding thereto that I commenced 


oflScial life so far back as 183G, and have been called upon from 
time to time to perform important duties, apart from those 
appertaining to my own offices, without pecuniary reward, I may 
anticipate that Her Majesty's Government will sanction my 
retirement upon a superannuation allowance, very nearly, if not 
quite, equal to my existing full pay, viz. £1500 a year. 

"I certainly consider that under the peculiar cix'cumstances 
of the case I should have full pay. 

" As before stated, I am entitled by age to retire, and thus 
am not liable to be again called upon for service, and hence I 
regard my pension as so much private property." 

Extract from Sir Henry Barkly's despatch to Secretary 
of State, No. 60, of 2nd December, 1872— 

" Having ascertained from Mr. Southey that he saw no 
prospect of securing a majority in the Assembly in support of 
such a policy as he would have felt bound consistently and 
conscientiously as Prime Minister to pursue, I requested Mr. 
Porter, as author of the Act to amend the Constitution Ordinance, 
to form an Administration from the Opposition. On his declin- 
ing on the score of age and inferior health, I invited, on his 
recommendation, Messrs. Solomon and Molteno, who had co- 
operated with him in carrying that measure, to undertake this 
duty conjointly. As Mr. Solomon expressed disinclination 
to enter office at present, especially without Mr. Porter, I 
ultimately confided the task to Mr. Molteno alone. 

On this Mr, Southey wrote as follows : — 

" Any one reading this despatch would conclude from it that 
I was quite willing to take the office of Prime Minister if I could 
calculate upon securing a majority in support of such a policy 
as I should have felt bound consistently to pursue. And the 
inference to be drawn from the passage is that I could not have 
secured support, and that the previous policy of Government 
had been bad, and there had been an organized opposition 
to which such leading men as Porter, Solomon, and Molteno 
belonged ! 

" If the despatch was intended to represent all that. Sir H. 
was not well up in Cape political life. 


It was now considered that the federation of South 
Africa should be an immediate sequence of the introduction 
of Eesponsible Government into the Cape Colony. The 
Imperial Parliament, in the words of the motion of Mr. 
E. N. Fowler carried in the House of Commons, declared 
" facilities should be afforded by all methods which may 
be practicable for the confederation of the Colonies and 
States in South Africa," 

The Earl of Kimberley, then Secretary of State, pressed 
the subject on Sir Henry Barkly's attention, but any one 
who knew the country and people could see at a glance 
how absolutely illusory and really absurd this project 
was. At the same time the separation of the East from 
the West was called for emphatically both in Port Elizabeth 
and Grahamstown, but as there was no echo in the Border 
districts, Cape Town was able to sit serenely quiet. 

The carrying of Eesponsible Government by Sir Henry 
Barkly was, of course, looked upon as a great achievement. 
The change had been practically determined on by Lord 
Kimberley, then Secretary of State for the Colonies, as the 
only possible means of escape from the impasse arrived at 
in which the Executive was not responsible to the Legislative 
body. Sir Henry had been sounded on the matter before 
he was offered the appointment, and in a famous letter from 
Bath expressed confidence in his ability to do what was 
wanted under certain conditions. He succeeded in actually 
converting a hostile Parliament, and thereby gave the Dutch- 
speaking Colonists their first assurance of future political 
power. Having got the measure through the House of 
Assembly, he finally carried it, as we have seen, in the 
Legislative Council, though only by a single vote, and that 
the vote of a Dutch member who had pledged himself 
against it. 

For this achievement Sii' Henry Barkly received neither 
distinction nor reward. They were, no doubt, to have been 
bestowed at the end of his term of office, but before that 


time arrived Lord Kimberley had ceased to be Secretary 
of State for the Colonies, a Conservative Government had 
come into office with a *' vigorous Colonial Administration " 
as a main plank of their political platform, and Eesponsible 
Government at the Cape, which made the Colony practically 
independent of Downing Street, was a thorn in the side of 
Lord Carnarvon, who was bent on a federation of the South 
African Colonies and States, which could not be effected 
if the Cape opposed it. 

The change which had been urgently pressed by Colonial 
politicians, who fretted under what seemed to them the 
intolerable yoke of an Executive responsible only to the 
Crown and not to themselves, and as stoutly opposed by 
many English Colonists capable of forming sound opinions 
on the subject, as well as, originally, by the great body of 
Dutch-speaking members of Parliament, had been deprecated 
by the latter sections of the community, not because it was 
not the logical and, indeed, inevitable consequence of any 
form of Parliamentary Government, but because the time 
for it was not deemed to have arrived. Higher political 
education, more experience in dealing with public affairs, 
and a deeper insight into Native questions were, they 
thought, necessary before the Colony could safely be released 
from the leading-strings in which for the last fifteen years 
it had made gentle but satisfactory progress. Mr. Southey 
was strongly of that opinion, as shown by his speeches and 
minutes on the question, and his views were shared by his 
colleagues, though on the other side a powerful champion 
arose in Mr. William Porter, who, after having been for 
many years Attorney-General, was then a private member 
of Parliament. His great ability, long experience, command- 
ing eloquence, and personal charm of manner had no small 
share in the ultimate triumph of the cause which he espoused. 

And so the great change was made at the end of 1872, 
and the Cape, like a young man coming of age and released 
from tutelage, had to enter on the possession of its property 


and manage its own affairs, and take its place in the life of 
the nations. We have already seen how many good people 
feared that it was too young and inexperienced for the 
enjoyment of such large powers and the discharge of such 
great responsibilities, and questioned the wisdom of the 
English minister, who, yielding to the difficulties which 
confronted him, forced on a change of such moment. 

Whatever else the change involved, one result was 
certain. It meant at no very distant date the transfer 
of political power to the Dutch-speaking land-owners, who 
far exceeded in number the English professional and 
trading classes, which dwelt mostly in the towns. This race 
of South African land-owners, sprung from mixed Dutch, 
German, and French stock, as evidenced in name, type, 
and even facial expression, had already shown itself capable 
of the highest development, and produced statesmen, soldiers, 
and lawyers of whom any country might be proud. But 
though a race with which English settlers lived on terms 
of amity, and with whose educated members they were glad 
to be associated in Parliament, in the learned professions, 
and in business, while union and fusion were fostered by 
the relations thence ensuing, and by private friendships and 
intermarriages, the race was still, from an English point of 
view, an alien one. The Afrikanders comprised a race of 
men generally uneducated and deeply prejudiced, but strong, 
resourceful, masterful, which had submitted for generations 
to every hardship, faced every danger, overcame every 
difficulty, and conquered the earth. This race of people 
had taken the labours of the aboriginal people in possession, 
for which they held there was sufficient scriptural warrant, 
and they consequently held views on the subject of slavery 
and the subjection of Native races that were at variance 
with those which at any cost of blood and treasure England 
was bound to enforce and maintain in all her dominions, and 
most of all at the Cape of Good Hope, which formed, as it 
were, the toe of the great body of the Dark Continent. 


In connection with what was necessarily the mental 
attitude of most of the land-owners in the Cape Colony- 
must be taken into account the existence of two independent 
Republics beyond its borders, peopled by their own relatives 
and frieuds, using the same home-made, expressive, if un- 
grammatical language, and administering a Native policy 
far more in consonance with their ideas than any that was 
possible in an English Colony. This was in itself a source 
of no small danger, especially in the more northern districts, 
whose people were brought most in contact with their 
Kepublican neighbours, and naturally drew comparisons 
between the two forms of Government to the disadvantage 
of that under which the law obliged them to live. 

And while the Cape, an English country, had to enter 
on its new life with the certainty that the balance of 
political power would be eventually held by an alien race, 
it had the further disadvantage of there being no unanimity 
of thought or feeling among the English Colonists, who were 
at the time divided on the question of the separation of 
the Eastern from the Western Province. This question had 
for years been debated with great vehemence. The more 
English population of the East considered that they suffered 
from the fact of the seat of Government being in Cape 
Town, and so large a share of the Colonial revenue being 
consequently spent there, as well as from the unprogressive, 
or at least conservative, methods of the Western land-owners 
and merchants, whose business lay in the production of 
cereals and wine, while their Eastern neighbours looked 
mainly to wool as the important article of export to which 
attention should be directed. 

The " Separation " agitation was promoted, if not actually 
caused, by the fact of there being already two Provinces in 
name, and the so-called Eastern Province having a Lieutenant- 
Governor residing at Grahamstown, who, in addition to 
being the Commander of the Imperial Troops, had, as has 
been shown, a civilian staff and some share of the civil 


administration under the old system. Some mutterings of 
the storm are still heard now that the great question of 
federation is looming in the distance, and it will probably 
rise again when the part to be taken by the Cape in the 
future government of the South African Colonies and States 
comes within the range of practical politics. Be that as it 
may, the Eastern and Western sections of the Colony were 
not in complete accord when Eesponsible Government was 
introduced, and this no doubt had some effect in making 
Mr. Southey willing to lay down the burden of office. There 
were ominous clouds in every direction on the political 
horizon, and having done his fair share of work and reached 
his grand climacteric, he was not unwilling to seek repose. 
Eetiring, with his colleagues, he was made a Companion 
of the Most Distinguished Order of St. Michael and St. 
George, and granted a pension of £1400 a year, while the 
Colonists both of East and West presented him with a 
splendid service of silver plate, and the Civil Service, in 
which he was universally respected and beloved, gave him 
a testimonial expressive of their esteem and affection. 


Mr. Soutlioy the Lieutenant-Governor of (iriqualaud West — Early days of 
the Diamond diggings — The New Hush — The Triumvirate — Right of 
the coloured man to dig — Sir H. Barkly offers a Constitution — The 
Diggers' Committee — The Griquas and their history — Waterboer, 
Adam Kok, Albania — The land question — President Parker — The 
Vooruitzigt Syndicate — The new officials — Gambling at the Diggings 
— Claim rents — The Elections— The Diggers' leaders— The Legislative 
Council— Boer plots with Natives — Sufi'erings of Natives going to 
Diamond Fields — Settling English in Transvaal. 

IF he bad been free to follow tbe bent of his own inclina- 
tions, Mr. Southey would gladly have laid down the 
burden of office and retired to spend the autumn of his days 
among his children and friends, occupying his leisure with 
farming pursuits and such sport as was congenial to him. 
He never cared for racing, nor did he follow the hounds, 
but he dearly loved horse and dog, and a day's partridge- or 
snipe-shooting with a friend was perhaps one of his greatest 
pleasures. Even in what may be called extreme old age, 
when living in the complete retirement of Southfield, he 
would take his gun and whistle for his pointers and order 
his pony, and ride for miles across the Cape Flats alone, 
happy if he could return with a brace or two of birds. But 
his time for rest had not come. His wiry frame was still 
capable of great exertion, and his matured experience made 
him the most qualified officer in South Africa for any post of 
importance where a cool, calm-tempered, level-headed man 
was required. No one knew Mr. Southey's value so much 
as those who had worked with him, and had learned to 
estimate properly the innate sagacity, the capacity for taking 
infinite pains, the temper that could not be ruffled, and the 


courage that could not be daunted, with which he approached 
every task allotted to him. Sir Henry Barkly, next to his 
own immediate colleagues and friends, knew this better than 
most men, and Mr. Sou they 's dreams and visions of happy 
repose were broken by Sir Henry's earnest personal request 
that he would undertake the Government of Griqualand 
West. The proposal was one that might stagger the bravest 
man who had any character or position to lose, and Mr. 
Southey, who had accepted a great measure of the responsi- 
bility of annexing that province, and had been associated 
with the Governor in the difficult task of its administration, 
knew perhaps better than any one the danger of the position 
that he was asked to accept. 

The Cape, owing to so many of its Governors having 
been recalled, had been styled the grave of reputations, and 
Griqualand might be the bottomless pit. Apart from the 
enormous difficulties of an apparently almost insoluble land 
question, and the regulation, not only of diamond digging, 
but of diamond mining, an absolutely unknown industry at 
that time, was the fact that every administrative project had 
to be carried by the consent or in the face of men who, gnreedy 
of the wealth beneath their feet, had brought the manners of 
American mining camps to South Africa, and, attracted by 
the Eepublican models of the adjoining Orange Free State 
and the Transvaal, were themselves aiming at the acquisition 
of power and dreaming of a new Utopia, a republic of so- 
called " Diggers," in wdiose " Committees " the real functions 
of Government should be vested. 

This was the third form of administration that in about 
as many years had been tried in the vain hope of satisfying 
the turbulent white population. When diamonds were first 
found in the gravel of the old bed of the Vaal, a single 
magistrate was deemed sufficient for the maintenance of law 
and order among the quiet Colonial people who pitched their 
camps along the pretty river ; but when what were called 
the " dry diggings " were found, and for the first time in the 


world's history veritable mines of diamonds were opened, a 
steady influx of daring men witli little to lose and every- 
thing to gain set in, and a state of tilings was soon developed 
that made Sir Henry Barkly hurry up to what had then come 
to be called " the New Paish," and endeavour to compose 
matters by flattering the turbulent Diggers, and replacing 
the single magistrate by three Commissioners, establishing a 
Eecorder's Court with other Government Offices, and arrang- 
ing for the protection of life and property by the presence 
of a troop of the Frontier Armed Mounted Police. 

A Triumvirate was, however, not a form of Government 
that was likely to succeed in the peculiar conditions of life 
in Griqualand West at that time, when firmness was of all 
things the most essential, for it was not natural that three 
men suddenly brought together should have at all times an 
equally sound judgment in all things, or be able in an equal 
degree to withstand the pressure of the loudly expressed 
public opinion that was forced upon them. 

The burning question that then agitated the Diamond 
Fields was that of the right of the coloured man to dig for 
and own diamonds ; and seeing that our right to the country 
had been obtained from coloured people, it would be deemed 
impossible that such a question could arise in any community 
of sober mind. But the people who thronged the " Four 
Camps " had not a sober mind where their own interests 
or possessions were concerned, and the pressure put on the 
three Commissioners to deprive the black man of the right 
to hold a " claim " not being resisted in an equal degree by 
all, two of them at last consented to issue a Proclamation 
having the force and effect of law to the effect that the black 
man, who now, for the first time in South Africa, began to 
be called a " nigger," could not hold a claim, or be in legal 
possession of diamonds. A "claim," it may be necessary 
to state, is a piece of ground measuring thirty feet each way, 
and " claims " in a digging or mine were numbered and 
entered in the books of the Eegistrar of the digging or mine, 


and all hypothecations and transfers were also duly recorded 
there, so that the entry of a clahn in the Eegister established 
the holder's right to it, though the ground might not be, and 
in fact at that time never was, his actual property. 

The third Commissioner, who was the legal adviser of 
the trio, could not agree with his colleagues in their solution 
of the existing difficulty, which, for the sake of present 
peace, seemed to him to lay the foundation of future trouble, 
by interfering with the liberty of the subject, and making 
a beginning in class legislation, the end of wliich could not 
be foreseen. He therefore refused to be a party to the 
Proclamation, and the matter being referred to Sir Henry 
Barkly by the protesting member of the triumvirate, the 
Proclamation was disallowed, and the impossibility of govern- 
ing the country by three Commissioners was demonstrated. 

The Governor's refusal to adopt the views of the Diggers 
caused the wildest excitement at Xew Eush, which was then 
by far the largest of the " Four Camps," and the place, as 
being connected with the richest mine, to which all the 
bolder spirits were naturally drawn. " Mass meetings " 
were held, at which inflammatory speeches were made from 
improvised platforms, and steps were taken to eliminate 
the "nigger" from the digging or diamond-owning section 
of the community by intimidating any white people who 
were even suspected of buying diamonds from him by the 
simple process of burning their tents, with threats of a more 
vigorous application of Lynch Law if that gentle reminder 
of the Diggers' power should prove insufficient. That there 
was some ground for trying to prevent the selling of diamonds 
by Kaffir labourers cannot be doubted, for they had un- 
bounded opportunities of stealing and secreting the precious 
gems, even if their masters exercised more care than they 
usually did in the supervision of their workmen. They 
certainly were not restrained by accurate conceptions of 
the rights of property, or, as they naively put it, they could 
not see anything to make one particular stone more sacred 


than any others. The root of the evil was undoubtedly 
in the possible right of Natives to the legal possession of 
diamonds as having been produced from the ground of 
Native claimholders elsewhere, for there were none at New 
Eush, and though the crude methods of the early diggers of 
New Eush have been replaced by the elaborate machinery of 
a Special Court working under a special Act of Parliament, 
and passing special sentences of five or even seven years' 
imprisonment with hard labour on the evidence of a special 
detective force, the enormous profits made in " the trade " 
still make it attractive, and there are never wanting white 
men to buy and even compete for the diamonds which the 
Kaffir labourer, though shut up in his barrack or " com- 
pound " during the term of service for which he contracts, 
is still able to secrete and place on the market. 

This, however, is a digression ; what weighed on the mind 
of Sir Henry Barkly was the patent fact that another new 
administrative system had to be devised for Griqualand 
West, and he again travelled to the New Eush, before the 
days of railways ; and when invited, or rather summoned, to 
face the angry Diggers at a banquet in a large tent, he cut 
the ground from under their feet, and, for the moment at 
least, won all their hearts by announcing his conviction that 
their moral and intellectual gifts qualified them for self- 
government, and that thenceforward they should govern 
themselves. For the carrying out of this well- applauded 
scheme a constitution of the second-class Colonial pattern 
was to be adopted, providing a very limited representation 
of the Digger element as elected members of a Legislative 
Council, and Mr. Southey was asked to assume command 
of Castle Dangerous by becoming Lieutenant-Governor of 
Griqualand West. He knew how slender was his chance 
of success, and he knew, too, all that failure would mean, 
but he had made it a rule of life never to ask for anything, 
and never to refuse to do any duty that he might be required 
to undertake, and he accepted the position ; but much had 


to be done before the promised constitution that was to 
satisfy the Diggers could come into operation, and for a 
time the old system of legislation by Proclamation had to 
continue, the three Commissioners being replaced by the 
Lieutenant-Governor and his Executive Council. 

That the constitution would satisfy the Diggers was 
possible, for, after all, they were mainly good fellows, kind 
to each other, and free with the money they earned so easily, 
and there were many English gentlemen among them, young 
fellows like Cecil Ehodes and his brothers, who had not yet 
chosen a profession, members of Universities and ex-officers 
of the Army and Navy, all glad to escape from conventionality 
and the thraldom represented by black coats and silk hats, 
and delighted to iind themselves in a veritable Tom Tiddler's 
ground, where they could not only pick up gold and silver, 
but have it done for them by " niggers," who, if they helped 
themselves to a share of their earnings, were docile and 
obedient, and would live on porridge and sleep on the bare 
ground round the fire near their master's tent. Indeed, that 
a population, which, on the whole, it would not be offensive 
to describe by the word " rowdy," would in time settle down 
under the influence of its best members was not only possible 
but certain, unless sinister counsels should obscure their 
judgment by influencing their passions and persuading them 
that the continuance of their easy jolly life hung by a thread 
which could only be kept from breaking by the vigilance of 
the Diggers' Committee, which was then the sole depository 
of power. 

To make this intelligible, it must be explained that 
this useful, and, indeed, in primitive times in every mining 
country necessary, organization had acquired undue influence 
at New Kush from the immense wealth of the ground over 
which it exercised jurisdiction. The diamond fields, from 
the time of their first discovery, had been fondly hoped and 
intended to be the poor man's Paradise, and to preserve their 
Arcadian simplicity from the grasp of the capitalist and the 



wiles of the politician it had been ordained by common 
consent for common protection that no Digger should hold 
more than two claims, that only honci fide Diggers should 
be eligible for seats in the Diggers' Committee, that claims 
left unworked for even a few days might be forfeited and 
"jumped," and that in respect of this jumping, as in all 
other matters connected with the internal economy of the 
Diggings, the decisions of the Diggers' Committee should be 
binding and final without appeal. At the Vaal Eiver, where 
digging in the heavy gravel was laborious, and diamonds 
were few and far between, and even in the poorer " dry 
diggings " of De Beers, Du Toits Pan, and Bultfontein, the 
membership of a Diggers' Committee did not mean much ; 
but at New Eush, where every claim was so valuable that 
some were divided and subdivided into quarters, and even 
less, it meant so much that while a seat once gained was 
to be held at all risks and costs, the near or even distant 
prospect of a seat had such attractions that men who had 
influence by being already members were as much courted 
and sought after as directors of the Bank of England in the 
City of London. It has been said above that a claim left 
unworked might be " jumped." It remains to be said that 
members of the Diggers' Committee were exempt from this 
penalty, and that their claims were secure, however long 
they might lie idle. The operation of the two-claim regula- 
tions might be thought to prevent the accumulation of claim 
property on one hand, and so it did to some extent, but 
it did not always follow that the registered holder of a 
claim had the full enjoyment of it, and the real name of 
the person who held a mortgage on it need not always be 

And so it was that, in 1872, the Diggers' Committee at 
New Eush was a powerful body, and it happened to contain 
certain men who saw not only the actualities, but the possi- 
bilities, of their position, and felt that it contained the germ 
and nucleus of Eepublican Institutions which, if the shackles 


of British Constitutional Government could be thrown off, 
might keep the Diggers' Paradise inviolate, while incidentally 
securing lives of wealth and ease to the bold spirits who had 
brought matters to such a happy conclusion. 

But the dangers arising from the aspirations of the 
Diggers' Committee, for which even a certain amount of 
sympathy might be felt, were slight in comparison with 
those to which the land question was sure to give birth, and 
before touching on that subject it is necessary to say a few 
words about the Griqua people, from whom that question 
came to us, with their country. 

The Griquas may be said to have owed their short history 
as a nation, and their nominal possession of the untold 
millions in the shape of diamonds which their barren soil 
covered, to the London Missionary Society ; for in the year 
1800, when Messrs. Anderson and Kramer, members of that 
body, first went amongst them, they were, according to a 
report, printed by order of the House of Commons in 1837, 
" a herd of wandering and naked savages, subsisting by 
plunder and the chase." For more than five years these 
devoted clergymen lived with them, and shared their wan- 
derings, often not tasting bread for six months. In the 
course of these wanderings, in 1805, they discovered and 
took possession of some springs of water at a place which 
afterwards became Griqua Town, and bent all their efforts 
towards teaching the people to cultivate the land and grow 
grain for food. Labour, however, of any kind was distasteful 
to those children of nature, and it is doubtful whether the 
Missionaries would have succeeded if to the harmlessness of 
the dove they had not added the appreciable amount of 
wisdom which enabled them to hit upon and carry out a 
very notable idea. 

There was in the Cape Colony a small but inconvenient 
body sprung from white fathers and native mothers, whose 
presence in, or even near, the more settled Colonial districts, 
was unpleasant and undesirable ; but, inconvenient though 


they were, they could not be wholly ignored, for under the 
Dutch Government they had claimed to be burghers, and 
under the English they had claimed to be free citizens, and 
to be decently out of sight they had been settled first near 
Piquetberg, when that was the north-western limit, and 
later in Namaqualand, where their head man was given a 
Staff of Office, and they were charged with the duty of 
checking the forays of the Bushmen. 

Here the Missionaries found them ready to their hand, 
and an arrangement was come to by which one of their 
number, named Kok, went to the new country, and was made 
Chief of the Griquas by what was euphemistically called the 
choice of the people, backed, however, by the recommendation 
of Mr. Anderson, with the happiest result, for the incon- 
venient people took the name of Griquas, obtaining quasi- 
Sovereign rights, and a distinct and separate position, by 
which their claims to European descent became obliterated, 
and the Missionaries at last saw their lawless, wandering 
charges in a fair way of becoming a peaceful and even indus- 
trious people under the mild rule of Chiefs of their own 
choosing, and to some extent of their own blood, or, at least, 
of kindred race. How in their short ownership of the land 
for barely a century some of the Griquas sold their rights to 
the Orange Free State, and migrated under one of the Kok 
family, thereby causing disputes as to boundaries between 
the Free State and what were afterwards known as the 
Western Griquas, under Waterboer, are matters that need 
not be here entered on. It is sufficient to say that, in their 
new country, the Griquas were recognized as a free and inde- 
pendent people. They were of sufficient importance for the 
English Government to enter into formal treaties with them, 
and of sufficient value to be called on to act as our allies, so- 
that at the battle of Boomplaats, in 1848, when Sir Harry 
Smith fought the Emigrant Boers and occupied Bloemfon- 
tein, the capital of what was thereupon called the Orange 
River Sovereignty, a Griqua contingent was present and 

777^ ORIQVAS. 245 

fought against the Boers — a fact that was afterwards remem- 
bered to their detriment. The administration of the newly 
annexed Orange Kiver Sovereignty was placed in the hands 
of Major "Warden ; but the Boers remained the occupiers and 
practically the owners of the farms, and as even at that time 
the land hunger was felt, he was soon pressed to grant titles 
in what was represented to him to be an unoccupied country 
or No Man's land, along the Vaal Eiver. 

Major Warden was not very well informed about matters 
of South African history, and was probably not very well 
provided with maps and Blue-books, but he knew, both by 
intuition and military training, if not by positive instruction, 
that to issue titles to land was beyond the scope of his powers, 
and he would grant none. However, by constant pressure, 
he was induced to give what turned out afterwards to be 
quite as good as titles, in the form of " British Land Certifi- 
cates," which gave a right of occupation. By virtue of 
these certificates so many Boers were located in the Griqua 
territory that on the Sovereignty being given back to them 
at a time when Imperialism had not been thought of, and 
no discoveries of gold and diamonds had shown the expe- 
diency of painting the map of Africa red, the Government of 
what then became the Orange Free State not only followed 
the example set, unfortunately, by the representative of the 
British Government, but went the further length of issuing 
actual titles to land. At the same time they never ventured 
to claim jurisdiction in the Griqua country, and the Boers 
who occupied farms in it never felt quite safe from attack, 
or what they called "inval," on the part of the Griqua 

But when the children of the Bond-women were cast out 
and sent over the Orange Eiver, those Ishmaelites did not 
enter upon a wholly unoccupied country, for from a very 
remote period branches of the Bechuana nation had held 
some sort of sway there, and had at least exercised the 
Eoyal prerogative, which was found so useful in England at 


about the same time, of freely making grants of land to 
friends and adherents, and of those marks of Eoyal favour 
some record still remained. The Gri(j^ua Chiefs, on entering 
the country, naturally availed themselves of the land, which 
indeed was their only source of revenue, and grants, and 
sales, and promises followed thick and fast, to say nothing 
of unregistered mortgages and literally tacit hypothecations, 
till, with English land certificates and Free State titles 
heaped on aboriginal Bechuana grants and modern Griqua 
alienations and engagements, all the elements necessary for 
a first-class imbroglio, or, in plain old English, a very pretty 
kettle of fish, were ready at hand, if ever the land should 
become so valuable as to be worth quarrelling or even fighting 
for, a condition of things which was reached when the dis- 
covery of veritable mines of diamonds drew some share of 
the world's attention to the country, and the almost fabulous 
wealth of New Kush made it possible for the owner of any 
apparently barren piece of land to become rich beyond the 
wildest dreams of avarice. 

Before this position of affairs was arrived at, Nicholas 
Waterboer, the Chief of what were called the Western 
Griquas, to distinguish them from those named the Eastern 
Griquas, who, under Adam Kok, had been induced to emigrate 
and fill up a part of another No Man's Land in Kaffirland, 
had resolved to stop further inroads into his territory and 
prevent the collision which he dreaded between himself and 
his more powerful neighbours of the Orange Eree State by 
putting what he called " a wall of flesh" between them, and 
he had taken the necessary steps for granting to settlers of 
English birth all the land lying east of the Vaal Eiver, and 
consequently between the Free State and what might then 
be termed Griqualand proper. The new settlement was to 
be called Albania, from Albany in the east of the Cape 
Colony, from which it was hoped to draw the descendants of 
the English settlers of 1820, and the capital, on the bank of 
the Vaal, was called Douglas, in compliment to the General 


of that name, who was then Lieutenant-Governor of the 
Eastern Province. Some progress had been made with this 
scheme and applications for grants of land were being 
received and registered, when the discovery of diamonds 
produced a condition of things with which Waterboer was 
powerless to deal, and made him hand over his country to 
England, so the only result of his well-meant plan was to 
add yet another class of claimants to the clamorous crowd 
already in existence. Then there were the claims of the 
rank and file of the natives, both Griquas and Kaffirs, who 
if they could not have individual titles to farms had at least 
a right of occupation, and these people, though not disputing 
the right of Waterboer to make substantial grants to himself 
and members of his family, were naturally anxious about 
their own position, and were not prepared to follow the 
example of the Scottish Highlanders, and let thek Chief 
become the owner of the tribal lands in fee simple. 

So the land question was at best a thorny and trouble- 
some one to tackle, but its difficulties were enormously 
increased by the possibility of any farm, or fraction of a 
farm, containing a diamond mine, for this possibility pro- 
duced yet another class, and one of a distinctly dangerous 
nature — the land speculator, or rather purchaser of Native 
claims and rights. It was to the interest of these people to 
prolong the time for their operations as much as possible by 
delaying any final settlement of the land question, while they 
intrigued with the descendants of the old Bechuana Chiefs 
and picked up Griqua claims for mere trifles by purchase or 
barter. It has to be said that Cape brandy had frequently 
no small influence on their bargains. 

The land question was thus the greatest danger that 
threatened the frail and yet unlaunched barque of the new 
Constitution, for it presented a veritable Stormy Cape that 
had to be doubled before smooth water could be reached, and 
it had to be approached through turbulent waves, with many 
lowering rocks and treacherous quicksands. 


Mr. Sou they, as has been already said, knew probably 
better than any one the dangers to be faced and, if possible, 
overcome, but while attempting the discharge of a duty he 
felt no fear, and he relied implicitly for support on the 
unlimited forces behind him. He owned President Brand's 
happy belief in the overruling of all things for good, and the 
" Alles zai regt komen," with which that able leader often 
cheered himself and his people, found its equivalent in the 
" All will come right in the end," with which motto, when 
laying down his old load of official responsibility as Colonial 
Secretary of the Cape, he braced himself to take up the 
greater burden of the Lieutenant-Governorship of Griqualand 

These internal troubles and disorders lost none of their 
danger and significance from the fact that the boundaries of 
the infant State were unsettled and hotly disputed by the 
adjoining Eepublics. When diamonds were found in the 
old bed of the Vaal Eiver the Transvaal claimed jurisdiction 
down to its banks, and a large body of their people occupied 
a place called Hebron, from which they were only ejected by 
a show of force, a body of armed English diggers, under a 
man who assumed the title of " President Parker," marching 
boldly upon them through the night and dispersing them. 
Again, when the " Dry Diggings " were discovered, and the 
four camps were quickly formed, the Free State not only 
claimed but actually assumed jurisdiction over them, estab- 
lishing a seat of Magistracy at Du Toitspan, and driving the 
Diggers from Bultfontein by an armed commando. The 
boundary line between Griqualand and the Free State was, 
indeed, so unsettled in 1872 that, before Mr. Southey had 
been many weeks in office. Sir Henry Barkly, as Governor in 
Chief, had to send an ultimatum to Bloemfontein in respect 
of the high-handed action of the Free State Government, 
which had seized some property of British merchants at a 
farm called Magersfontein, a name now indelibly impressed 
on English hearts as the burial place of so many of the 


gallant Highland Division which was hurled against an 
entrenched mountain side, behind every rock on which was 
a Boer armed with a repeating rifle. 

This Magersfontein was just on the boundary line, and 
without going into that question, it may be stated that it was 
common cause between England and the Orange Free State 
that the line ran from a high hill called Platberg, on the 
bank of the Vaal, to a place called Eamah on the bank of 
the Orange, passing through a spot called David's Grave, 
somewhere between Eiet and Modder Elvers, at or near their 
junction. This David was a Griqua who had been shot in 
some tribal war, and the place of his burial, it had been 
rashly assumed, would always be kept in mind, because he 
had lain for some days there after being wounded, and had 
been tended by his relatives, who would naturally remember 
the exact spot ; but, strangely enough, his countrymen, while 
perpetuating his memory by making his last resting-place, 
as it were, their corner stone, forgot or neglected to mark it 
by any permanent, or at least substantial, structure for the 
guidance of future generations, so that in course of time the 
exact position of the grave was open to doubt, and at a 
critical juncture it fell out that upon it depended the ques- 
tion whether a line drawn to it from Platberg would throw 
the Dry Diggings into Griqualand or the Free State. This 
dispute over the Platberg line, which was eventually laid 
down and marked off by Sir Charles, then Captain Warren, 
of the Eoyal Engineers, has been taken advantage of by 
certain late writers, who, for obvious reasons, are willing to 
assert that the Orange Eiver is the " scientific frontier " of 
the Cape Colony on its northern side. 

The farms which contained the Dry Diggings had been 
bought by Syndicates of men of capital soon after the mines 
had been opened, but the temper of the Diggers would not 
allow the purchasers to do as they liked with their own. 
Though the Syndicates derived a considerable income from 
letting the building sites, or rather " stands " for tents and 


waggons, round the open workings, they were obliged to 
content themselves with a modest ten shillings a month for 
each claim, and even that was collected for them by means 
of stamps on the monthly licences. For this reason the 
licences had to be issued by the Government, which conse- 
quently received the money from the Diggers, and paid it 
over to the proprietors. 

The owners of the farms in question were, perhaps, those 
who hailed with most pleasure the establishment of the new 
form of Government which, among the other blessings it was 
to scatter o'er the smiling land, was undoubtedly intended for 
such protection of property as would enable them to reap 
the full benefit of their position, and their views were 
politely, but firmly, communicated to Mr. Southey as soon 
as he landed at Port Elizabeth, on his way to New Eush, by 
a deputation from the Syndicate that owned the farm 
Vooruitzigt, with the Diggings of New Eush, and old de 
Beers, who informed him that as the first result of a stable 
Government they would thenceforth require, not ten shillings, 
but ten pounds, a month for every claim. The owners of 
the farms Doors tfontein, Bultfontein, and Alexandersfontein, 
which had on them the Diggings of the Du Toitspan and 
Bultfontein, were more moderate, and would be content, for 
the present, with five pounds a month for each claim, but 
they might as well have put their modesty on one side and 
joined in demanding the larger amount, for there was no 
possibility of either the one or the other being collected. 
The claim was preposterous, and had to be resisted at any 
cost or risk, but the fact of it being made had this good effect 
for the time, that it rallied the Diggers to the side of the 
Government on this vital question, and even the Diggers' 
Committee had to admit that, for the present, at least, the 
game was out of their hands, and had passed to players who 
held higher trump cards. 

So Mr. Southey entered his Canvas Capital amid general 
acclamation, and having acquired a roomy " compound," as 


suburban sites were then called, with a couple of small rooms, 
some bell tents, and a large marquee for official receptions 
and entertainments, about a mile from New Eush, he set to 
work to examine his position and determine on his immediate 
course of action. 

Some time had to elapse, and many things had to be 
done, before the Constitution could come into force, and 
as in the mean time legislation had to be effected, as in 
the past, by Proclamation, Mr. Southey's first duty was 
to constitute the Executive Council of three members — a 
Secretary to Government, an Attorney - General, and a 
Treasm-er — who were to help him in the arduous work he 
had undertaken. He chose as Secretary to Government 
Mr. John Blades Currey, a personal friend, who, after some 
years of training in the Colonial Office at Cape Town, largely 
under his own eye, had been Clerk of the Peace and Clerk 
to the Attorney-General, Mr. W. Downes Griffith, who 
strongly recommended him for the post. Eor the office of 
Attorney-General, Mr. John Cyprian Thompson, an English 
barrister, was chosen. As the Commissioner who had made 
so bold a stand in favour of the coloured races in the matter 
of diamond digging, he had naturally a claim, but immedi- 
ately after his appointment Mr. Thompson was prostrated by 
illness, from which he never recovered. The loss of his able 
services was keenly felt by Mr. Southey, while his early 
death was mourned by the many friends to whom his genial 
wit and charm of manner had endeared him in private life, 
as well as at the Bar and in Parliament. Mr. Ptichard 
William Hoskyns Giddy, who had been a Civil Commis- 
sioner in the Cape Colony, and was the third member of the 
outgoing Triumvirate, was made Treasurer at his own urgent 
request, but he at once applied for leave of absence on the 
ground of illness, unsuspected when he was appointed, and 
went to England, so that at the outset Mr. Southey was 
deprived of the assistance he had a right to expect from 
those who had administered the government up to the time 


of his arrival. Mr. Bowker, the Senior Commissioner, had 
resigned before the Triumvirate was abolished, and Mr. 
Currey went to New Eush in advance to take his place and 
make the arrangements necessary for the introduction of the 
new system. 

Mr., afterwards Sir Sidney, Shippard, was appointed 
Acting Attorney-General, but the Treasurer's place in the 
Executive Council remained vacant till Mr. Giddy returned. 

In a place where money was so plentiful and so easily 
made, it was inevitable that gambling should be carried on 
to a great extent, but at New Eush it had passed beyond 
all bounds, and had become such a positive danger to the 
Community that even the boldest and most reckless of its 
votaries were prepared not only to accept but to welcome its 
suppression. Some Americans had set up faro tables, and 
their example had been quickly followed by others and less 
scrupulous professors of the art, till gambling hells of every 
kind abounded, from the quiet semi-private house, where 
a gentleman in correct evening dress offered well-cooled 
champagne to thirsty Diggers in shirt sleeves, to the squalid 
tents and huts in which Malays, Hindoos, and Chinamen 
quarrelled over their greasy cards. Proprietors and their 
associates were always ready to advance cash for gambling 
in exchange for diamonds. In the absence of any other and 
more healthy excitement, the plague grew and extended so 
far and so fast that even the rudimentary society of New 
Eush became alarmed. Diamond stealing increased among 
the natives, and the demoralization of white men was such 
that, in the overpowering desire to get money to be squan- 
dered at the gaming-tables, peculation and theft, and even 
violence, were resorted to ; many well-meaniug young fellows 
losing character and position were cast penniless adrift, and 
men of some substance were ruined in a nis;ht. There was 
a typical story told of a digger, who, entering one of the 
best-conducted establishments one evening with a well-filled 
pocket, a good balance at the bank, and his claim at his back, 


came out in the grey of the morning with nothing but a five- 
pound note given him by the proprietor, and before the end 
of a week had to drive a cart for a bare maintenance. 

This plague spot had to be cut out at any cost of pain to 
the patient, who was really desirous of relief, and the matter 
at once engaged Mr. Southey's attention. The immense 
value to which claims in New Eush had risen alarmed 
holders, while it increased the prestige and, indeed, the power 
of the Diggers' Committee so much that some steps were 
immediately necessary for the protection of owners of claims, 
and for ascertaining the real sense of the orderly and in- 
dustrious section of the population as to the manner in 
which their property should be managed. The first of these 
objects was attained by a proclamation suspending the 
operation of the clause of the existing law for the regulation 
of diamond diggings, which ordained the forfeiture, and con- 
sequently rendered possible the "jumping" of claims, even 
of great value, the licence money for which was a week in 
arrear, or which from any cause had not been worked for a 
like period. The course which had to be taken with regard 
to the other was necessarily of a more tentative character, 
and with the object of securing full and free discussion, a 
commission was issued in which four of the most respected 
English Diggers, one from each of the dry diggings, were 
associated with the Secretary to Government and the 
Attorney-General to consider and report on the present 
condition of the diggings or mines, and the measures they 
would recommend to be adopted for their future manage- 
ment. Here, for the first time, a distinction was drawn 
between a " digging " and a mine, foreshadowing the removal 
of the more important centres of industry from the control 
of the Diggers' Committees. 

The immediate fears of the Diggers thus set at rest, and 
their attention directed to the future, all was quiet in the 
Four Camps, and Mr. Sou they issued a Proclamation to 
suppress gambling, in the drafting of which it may be 


interesting to note that the late Mr. C. J. Ehodes, who 
happened to be the guest of the Secretary to Government 
at the time, and was not then twenty years old, made his 
maiden essay in public affairs, and contributed much useful 
information. The effect of the Proclamation was instantaneous 
and almost magical, for it met the wishes of the people, who 
were heartily sick and ashamed of the degrading vice. The 
gambling places were closed at once. The American gentle- 
men packed up their traps and departed with some £60,000, 
which in those days was considered a good deal of money, 
and the smaller fry slunk off to find other means of exercising 
their talents. 

The next thing calling for serious consideration and 
requiring prompt action was the demand of the owner of 
the farms containing the dry diggings for the enormous 
claim-rents which most of the Diggers could not pay if they 
would, and the others would not pay if they could. The 
ill-advised exorbitance of the demands, while it ensured 
their failure, necessarily raised the question of the ownership 
of the diamonds in the soil, which in their own interests 
would have been better left in abeyance, for they had already, 
in modern parlance, given themselves away by timidly letting 
the Government collect their dues by means of licenses to 
dig for diamonds instead of boldly demanding them as rent. 
This, to a mind so clear and sagacious as Mr. Southey's, 
pointed at once to the inference that, the tenure of the land 
not being freehold, the owners were really quit-rent tenants 
under the crown, with only surface rights, and that the 
ownership of minerals and precious stones was vested in 
the Government. Fortified in this opinion by his Acting 
Attorney-General, and by Counsel in London, he boldly took 
up the gage thrown down to him at Port Elizabeth, and met 
the demands with a direct denial that diamonds in the soil 
belonged to the owners, or rather quit-rent tenants of the 
Crown. Consequently he refused to pay them the license- 
money to be henceforth collected, and claimed a refund of 


all that they had hitherto received. The matter was thus 
relegated to the Law Courts, but it was never settled by 
legal decision, and in 1875 the farm Vooruitzigt was bought 
by the Government. 

This name, Vooruitzigt, was unbearable to Lord Kimberley. 
He could neitlier spell it nor pronounce it, and he declined 
to be associated with the rowdy vulgarity of " New Eush." 
" Pniel " was not much better, and he desired that more 
euphonious names might be given to the several Divisions, 
and especially to the capital of the new Colony, so his 
wishes were carried out by the substitution of Kimberley, 
Barkly, and Hay for the old designations, the two first 
commemorating the names of the Secretary of State and 
the Governor, under whom the country had been annexed, 
and the last representing Lieutenant-General Hay, who, 
as Commander of the Forces and Acting -Governor, had 
been associated with the preliminary negotiations. 

The constitution was then promulgated, and a stop put 
to legislation by proclamations. Preparations were made 
for the registration of voters and the election of official 
members, but some time had to elapse before the Legislative 
Council could be formed, and many matters of moment 
could thus not be dealt with as before ; but the jumping 
of claims was continuously suspended month by month, and 
it was ordained that licences for claims in diggings or mines 
not forfeited but voluntarily surrendered might be sold by 
public auction. 

There was thus, for the present, comparative quiet in 
the Diggers' Committee, so that time was allowed for the 
drafting of the Mining Ordinance that was to place matters 
on a sounder footing, and for the preparation of the Estimates 
and the various measures that were to be submitted to the 
Legislative Council ; but there were even then signs and 
tokens that there was an imruly section which did not 
desire to have mining questions settled by legislative enact- 
ments based on open inquiry and debate, for even in the 


matter of the " jumping " of claims, which the leading 
newspaper deemed to be repugnant to an honest man's 
sense of what was right, a stormy meeting passed a resolu- 
tion that it was "just and proper." It was therefore plain 
that the Diggers' Committee meant to make a stand for the 
maintenance and extension of its powers. 

The voters having been duly registered, the elections 
were held, though it was significant that even against this 
first step in the direction of self-government a protest was 
issued by a man named William Ling of the Diggers' Com- 
mittee, and some others, on technical and unsubstantial 
grounds. Henry Tucker, also of the Diggers' Committee, 
was defeated at the poll, and the three who were to form the 
nucleus of a Parliament were Henry Green, an ex-Cape official ; 
Dr. Graham, a popular man and a good public speaker ; and 
David Arnot, the Griqua agent, who naturally secured all 
the native votes in the Hay or Griquatown District. 

As Ling, who headed the protest, and Tucker, who had 
failed to be elected, now began to stand forward as the self- 
elected champions of the Diggers' Committee, or, as they 
put it, of the Diggers' rights, a short account of them may 
be given. Ling, who had come from Natal, and was little 
above the peasant class, was a typical digger — shrewd, dogged, 
and overbearing, of whom perhaps the best that can be said 
is that he was a devoted cricketer. Tucker was of a different 
class. He was not one of the horny handed practical sort, 
but a man of education and ability, who had formerly held 
a good position, having once been a member of the Cape 
Legislative Council ; but he had been unfortunate in business, 
became a bankrupt, and left the Colony. Though thus dis- 
similar, these two men were firmly united in the determination 
to uphold the power of the Diggers' Committee, of which 
they were active members, and they were fairly representative 
of some sections of the digging community.* 

* For a statement of their case, see Messrs. Tucker aud Ling's long 
letter to Government in Appendix H. 


The Legislative Council was duly opened, and the position 
of affairs laid before it, but it did not get fairly to work 
before the beginning of the following year. 

A strange thing came to light before the year closed, 
for one of the loyal Native agents, or representatives of 
Chiefs of Tribes in the interior, came to the Secretary to 
Government to tell him that there must now be war between 
his tribe and the Transvaal, as they must fight for their 
lives; and he explained that Boer emissaries had been to 
his Chief and told him that all Natives who did not now 
come under the Transvaal Government would be killed, as 
the Boers had got a new kind of cannon that could swing 
round and round, and keep on shooting till all their people 
were dead. So wild a story would have been contemptuously 
rejected by most men, but Mr. Southey was satisfied that 
there was a substratum of truth in it, for the Native Agent 
persisted in saying that he had exactly reported what had 
been sent him by word of mouth by his Chief, who could 
not be suspected of causing baseless reports to be submitted 
to British authorities. The matter was shortly cleared up 
in an unexpected way. Mr. Houston, a Scottish gentleman, 
arrived at Kimberley on his way back from a shooting 
expedition in the interior, and staying with Mr. Currey, 
the Secretary to Government, who was a friend of his, told 
him that, passing through Pretoria, which in those pre- 
railway days, before the Witwaters Eand was discovered, 
was a place little visited, he had been amazed to see a 
battery of mitrailleuses " parked "in an open place in the 
town under the charge of German officers, who openly wore 
their uniforms, and the spiked helmets which had not then 
come into use in the English army. So strange a confirma- 
tion of the Kaffir agent's story about a cannon that could 
swing round gave the matter a very serious complexion, as 
it was clear that the guns and the German officers, spiked 
helmets and all, must have been brought into the country 
through a port of the Cape Colony, and Mr. Southey caused 



the whole story to be sent to Sir Henry Barkly, who, though 
inclined to doubt the possibility of its truth, promised to 
make inquiry. He found that things were as had been 
represented, and the matter got wind to some extent, pro- 
bably through Mr. Houston, who had gone to Cape Town, 
and saw no necessity for secrecy ; for, writing on the subject 
to Mr, Southey on the 13th November, Sir Henry Barkly 
said — 

"You will see that the Standard and Mail alludes to the 
mitrailleuses about which Mr. Currey wrote to me. I have not 
got to the bottom of that story yet. Orpen, of Port Elizabeth,* 
declares that the packages were ' disguised,' so that he did not 
expect them to be warlike stores, and this, if proved, makes the 
matter more serious for the shippers who had been called on for 

Nothing more was heard of the matter, and Sir Henry 
Barkly probably found it would be useless or impolitic to 
press it on the notice of the English Government, for in 
May of the same year he had written to Mr. Southey, 
" Lord Kimberley is utterly incredulous about German 
intrigue in South Africa." But the German uniforms dis- 
appeared from the streets of Pretoria, and the mitrailleuses 
were stored away, though they mark the beginning of the 
collection of arms which more than a quarter of a century 
later was to enable President Kruger to declare that a 
war between England and the Transvaal would " stagger 

Another matter which weighed heavily on Mr. Southey's 
mind at this time was, from the lowest point of view, the 
desirability, and from a humane point the necessity, ot 
making some provision for the safe passage of the thousands 
of natives who even then came from the whole country 
south of the Zambesi to work at the Diamond Fields. 

* The Collector of Customs, a brother of the Surveyor-General of 
Griqualaud West. 


Starting with only vague ideas of distance, no money, and 
but little food, their sufferings were terrible. In the winter 
time, when ten or even fifteen degrees of frost prevailed at 
night, they died in numbers round the scanty fires with which 
they tried to warm their unclad bodies. On the road they 
could get no help. Even in the month of October, when 
warm weather was setting in, twelve of these poor creatures 
died of hunger and exhaustion in a single night within a 
day's march of a Transvaal town. To the Boer the idea 
of a native wandering without a master is abhorrent, and 
in those days a single native found in the veld or on the 
road would be lucky if he escaped with only such punish- 
ment as the nearest Field Cornet might award. Travelling 
in large bodies, they were comparatively safe, though those 
who lagged behind were frequently arrested as vagrants, and 
put to forced labour, or flogged, or imprisoned and set in the 
stocks, as happened to a party of Zulus passing through the 
Orange Free State. At best, they had to journey through 
an unsympathetic, if not absolutely hostile, country, ill- 
treated in going and often robbed in returning. Some 
remedy was certainly required. The only plan possible 
appeared to be to establish depots along the line of march 
where the travelling natives could rest, and where they 
could be supplied with food, if necessary, in the form of 
the Kaffir corn or millet, of which they make their porridge. 
There would be a difficulty, of course, in the matter of pay- 
ment, as the natives had no money on their downward 
journey ; but Mr. Southey thought this might be got over 
by selling the grain, not to individuals, but to the whole 
party, who should be jointly and severally responsible for 
the debt, which was to be paid on the return journey, or 
at Kimberley. This could have been easily arranged, as 
all the Chiefs had headmen amongst those working in the 
mines who could collect what was owing by each party 
before they returned. As far as the road lay through Native 
territory the plan seemed feasible, as Native Chiefs might 


be employed as agents ; but cautious inquiry showed that 
no such assistance could be looked for in the Transvaal, and 
the only way of effecting the object in view seemed to be 
to buy farms at convenient distances from each other, and 
put English farmers in charge as agents. It was thought 
that such agencies might soon be self-supporting, and so 
arose in Mr. Southey's mind the larger idea that, by the 
judicious purchase of farms along the main lines and trade 
routes of the Transvaal, a valuable and eventually influential 
body of English burghers could be quietly and peaceably 
created. Farms in the Transvaal could then be bought for 
very little money, and, indeed, often changed owners by 
means of barter, an old waggon or cart or a gun being given 
in exchange, and £500 would not only buy a farm, but 
provide sufficient stock and implements. If two thousand 
English families had thus been settled in the Transvaal 
between 1873 and 1880 the condition of affairs might have 
been very different from what it was in 1900, but the 
scheme had to be abandoned because money was not then 


Mr. Soutliey Lieutenant-Governor of Griqualand West — Lord Carnarvon 
and Federation — The Mining Ordinance — Aylward and the malcon- 
tents — DiflSculties with Waterboer — The Legislative Council — The 
Land Question — Betrayal by Attorney-General — Kimberley malcontents 
— Ordinances disallowed — Aylward and his followers — Sir H. Barkly's 
vacillations — An outbreak imminent — Troops sent to Kimberley — End 
of Lieutenant-Governorship. 

IN the beginning of 1874 there was a change of Ministry 
in England, Lord Carnarvon succeeding Lord Kimberley 
as Secretary of State for the Colonies, and one of the things 
promised in the Conservative declaration of policy was 
" vigorous Colonial administration." This naturally excited 
some curiosity among local politicians, as the Cape seemed 
the only place where vigour could be shown, and from a 
visit to South Africa by Mr. Froude, and later from public 
Despatches, it appeared that Lord Carnarvon had taken 
office with the idea and purpose of forming a federation 
of the South African Colonies and States. This is not the 
place for narrating what occurred in the pursuit of that crude 
and hastily formed idea, but what is of some importance to 
the subject in hand is that under Lord Kimberley's direction, 
and at his special request, Sir Henry Barkly, in 1872, 
succeeded in introducing Eesponsible Government at the 
Cape, and that the Cape being the dominant partner in 
South Africa, no project of federation could be carried 
through without the assent of the Colonial Ministry. This 
was a stumbling - block and a rock of offence to Lord 
Carnarvon, who could not be expected to view its author 
with much favour, and Sir Henry Barkly, one of the most 
cautious of men, had consequently to guide his steps with 
more than usual discretion. 


It was unfortunate for Mr. Soutliey that, being only 
Lieutenant-Governor, he was not in direct communication 
with the Secretary of State. Whatever he had to say was 
sent through the medium of the Governor-in-Chief, whose 
comments would naturally have great weight, and might 
in critical times have an untoward effect, especially if that 
official should feel himself on delicate ground and be largely 
actuated by a desire to shield himself from personal responsi- 
bility. The privilege of private correspondence with the 
Secretary of State, which is so useful in official life to explain 
public Despatches, was consequently denied to Mr. Southey, 
and this served to accentuate the difficulties of his position. 
It must be understood that the Blue Books relating to the 
occurrences of the time, admirably full and apparently 
complete as they are, contain only such of his Despatches 
as Sir Henry Barkly chose to forward, and out of these 
only such as the Colonial Office chose to publish. They 
can be referred to by the curious in such matters in the 
series known and marked as C, Nos. 1342 and 1401, 
presented to Parliament in 1876, but for the present purpose 
it will be sufficient to quote from them in continuing the 
narrative form, and to print in the Appendix such of Mr. 
Southey's unpublished Despatches as may appear to throw 
light on the general position while utilizing his private 
papers with care and discretion.* 

The first of the Despatches now published relates to the 
intrigues of President Burgers of the Transvaal Eepublic 
with the Batlapin branch of the Bechuanas, which occupied 
and claimed titles to land in Griqualand. It seems that Sir 
Henry Barkly was already in communication with President 
Burgers on the subject, for, writing to Mr. Southey on the 
12th of March, he says that he had found it difficult to reply 

* As it is desirable to sliow Messrs. Tucker and Ling's case, a letter 
stating it is published in Appendix H. ; also in same Appendix will be 
found a specimen extract from the Diamond Field newspaper. Extracts 
and Precis of Despatches from Lieutenant-Governor Southey and Sir Henry 
JJarkly are given in Appendix I. 


to his (President Burger's) Despatch, as he felt that the Keate 
award should have been given in another form, but that he 
had told him that " the British Government would insist on 
maintaining it in its integrity." In answer to Mr. Southey, 
on the 28th February he strongly urged action in the matter 
on the part of the British Government, but added — 

" The utmost I expect, however, in reply will be a refusal 
to recognize the validity of the treaties entered into by Burgers, 
leaving to us the responsibility of preventing their taking effect." 

It was clear, therefore, that there was no prospect of 
active intervention by Lord Kimberley, and it was soon 
made plain that Lord Carnarvon, who was looking forward 
to a federation with the South African Eepublic, or the 
acquisition of all its territories, was not willing at that time 
to enter into a serious quarrel with its President. He wrote 
to Mr. Southey — 

"Lord C. shows no sign of relenting as to Batlapina, and 
seems to have an idea that I have rubbed up the Boers the wrong 
way, and that if I had been more friendly the Free State and 
Transvaal would gladly enter into a South African Federation." 

Sir Henry Barkly closed the sentence with a mark of 
exclamation, and with regard to other matters of a confidential 
nature connected with the Transvaal he added, " It is clear 
that his Lordship is completely at sea as to South Africa." 
The story is interesting, if only to show how even high- 
placed officials in the zealous discharge of their duties may 
unwittingly give offence to their superiors. 

Returning to local affairs, the Mining Ordinance was 
introduced into the Legislative Council in March, and it 
was hailed as a gratifying circumstance that the Diamond 
Field, which must henceforth be regarded as the organ of 
the malcontents, pronounced it to be " a satisfactory effort 
in legislation." As its provisions were discussed it became 
evident that the old order of things could no longer be main- 
tained, and the same newspaper acknowledged that the time 


was untloubtedly at hand when restriction in the matter of 
ownership of claims could not be enforced, and portions of 
the Kimberley Mine must pass into the possession of Joint 
Stock Companies. The Ordinance having been passed in 
June, the Mining Board for Kimberley was elected in July, 
and it must be noted that Ling and Tucker were both 
members of it, so that they still continued to hold their 
old position in respect of useful and practical mining 
matters. It was clear, however, that this was not all they 
wanted, for in the same week in which the Board held its 
first meeting the first note of vehement opposition to the 
Administration was sounded after the Diamond Field had 
declared the Mining Ordinance to be "most mischievous," 
for on the 15th of August a mass meeting was held, not to 
consider questions connected with diamond digging, but to 
protest against the form of Government in existence. Tucker 
was Chairman of this meeting, at which most violent and 
inflammatory language was used, quite irrelevant so far as 
matters connected with the mining industry were concerned, 
and this change of front was accounted for by the first public 
appearance of a man who then went by the name of Alfred 
Aylward, who at once dominated the assemblage. This man 
Aylward, alias Eivers, alias O'Brien, alias Nelson, an ex- 
Fenian Centre, as he subsequently described himself in a 
letter to Mr. Southey, was fresh from gaol. He had been 
sentenced to eighteen months' imprisonment with hard labour 
for assault, with intent to murder or do grievous bodily harm, 
by shooting a fellow-digger in cold blood, having gone home 
for his revolver after a trifling quarrel between them had 
been apparently settled. His vehement words quite carried 
away the meeting, including its original promoters, for he 
seemed to be a man of action and the instrument they 
wanted, and so a Vigilance Committee was appointed, and 
a crisis might be looked for, as the meeting was adjourned 
for a few days, when stronger measures would no doubt 
be advocated. 


Aylward was now accepted by the other leaders as at 
least their temporary chief, or rather perhaps as a convenient 
" cat's-paw," whose boldness and reckless courage would 
effect their purpose at his own risk and not at theirs. The 
Vigilance Committee was now transformed into a " Committee 
of Public Safety." 

It was natural, however, that some of the more timid or 
prudent of the malcontents should be alarmed at the lengths 
to which Aylward seemed to be prepared to go, and Mr. 
Bean, one of these, entered into a correspondence with the 
Secretary to Government with a view to temporizing, and 
wanted Mr. Southey to receive a deputation from the Com- 
mittee of Public Safety for the discussion of certain matters. 
Mr. Southey in reply caused Mr. Bean to be informed that 
though he would gladly meet individuals he could not 
receive a deputation from a political organization which had 
neither law nor executive authority for its basis, and had 
assumed the liberty of interfering not only with the ordinary 
functions of the Government, but with those of the Mining 
Boards regularly elected by the general body of claim-holders 
from among themselves. The position was carefully and 
accurately described to Sir Henry Barkly, and Mr. Southey 
might, as he said, have felt confident that a great majority 
of the people engaged in and about the mines were not in 
sympathy with the movement. He may also have believed 
that even with the small police force of only thirty men, 
which was all that the scanty revenue would enable him 
to keep, aided by such special constables as might be sworn 
in on occasion, any rioting could be put down. He 
probably only contemplated the possibility of noisy de- 
monstrations of crowds armed with sticks, with perhaps 
some window - breaking, and a little rough treatment of 
Natives, for there was no talk then of the Committee of 
Public Safety enrolling and arming men to over-awe the 
Government in order to enforce compliance with its demands, 
or even transfer the supreme power to itself or the Orange 


Free State. Still, especially to an official of Sir Henry 
Barkly's experience and caution, the mere fact of the creation 
of a Committee of Public Safety in avowed opposition to 
the Queen's Government must have been fraught with grave 
significance. There is no doubt that if at this early stage 
he had boldly intervened or authorized Mr. Southey to 
proclaim that the formation of such a body as the Committee 
of Public Safety was in itself an illegal act, and that unless 
it were dissolved exceptional and, if necessary, even forcible 
measures would have to be taken, for the cost of which 
special taxation of the mines and township must follow, 
the larger and better part of the community would have 
been roused to at least such a degree of activity as would 
suffice to protect their own interests. 

But the cautious side of Sir Henry Barkly's nature made 
him unwilling to take any such step. He had by this time 
been made to understand that in view of Lord Carnarvon's 
project of federation disturbance in any part of South Africa 
was to be avoided at even serious risk, and he would not 
read between the lines of Mr. Southey's Despatch, or form 
an independent judgment of the danger evinced by the 
extreme step taken at Kimberley, within three miles of 
the border of an unfriendly Eepublic, though some of the 
speakers at the mass meeting had declared that the territory 
belonged of right to the Orange Pree State, and that its 
President would be welcomed if he should arrive. 

The Legislative Council had been prorogued after a long 
and somewhat intermittent session, in the course of which 
it had passed thirty-one Ordinances dealing with the para- 
mount industry of diamond mining, and the traffic in 
diamonds which necessarily accompanied it, the administra- 
tion of justice, the regulation of legal procedure, Crown lands, 
hospitals, the sale of wines and spirits, and other local 
matters. Mr. Southey now felt himself able to carry out the 
important duty of visiting that portion of the territory 
west of the Vaal Eiver, which was occupied by the Griquas. 


His presence was much needed there, for tlie old Chief, 
who in his prime had been a fine, dignified, well-spoken 
man of superior intelligence, showing a marked preponderance 
of white blood, was failing in health, and, unable to control 
his family, was yielding to intemperance. The people about 
him lived on him without compunction, and though he was 
allowed a sufficient income for the maintenance of his house- 
hold, he was already in debt. Worse than all, he was beset 
with designing persons, some of whom continually urged 
upon him that in making over the control of the Diamond 
Fields he had not surrendered his jurisdiction over his own 
people, and pressed him to assert his powers and give titles to 
land ; while others excited the fears of his family and friends 
by telling them that their farms, now held without titles, 
would be taken from them by the grasping English Govern- 
ment, which for purposes of its own was withholding their 
issue. It was, therefore, highly necessary that Waterboer 
should be soothed, supported, and counselled, and Mr. 
Southey's kindly manner, joined to his firmness of purpose, 
eminently qualified him for the task. He had, indeed, fore- 
seen the occurrence of the difficulties which he had now 
to face when the annexation of the territory was under 
consideration, and it was at his instance that Sir Henry 
Barkly had refrained from sending an English magistrate 
to Griquatown, where it was desirable that quiet should be 
maintained and Native questions allowed to remain as much 
as possible in statu quo ante until a new order of things 
had been firmly established by the white population at the 
Diamond Fields becoming a settled community. Of this, 
however, there was no immediate prospect, and in the mean 
time if the conflicting claims to land could not be effectually 
dealt with, it was necessary to do something to allay the 
fears of the Natives, both Griquas and Batlapins, as well 
as to prevent Waterboer from being driven to some act of 
folly or indiscretion by the pressure put upon him. 

The trouble had reached an acute form from the existence 


of a Land Board created by Sir Henry Barkly before Mr. 
Soutliey's assumption of office, and this Board of three 
persons had unfortunately been vested with the power of 
inquiring into, as well as registering, claims. This authority 
would have been dangerous under any circumstances, con- 
sidering the many sources from which claims could spring, 
the wild unsettled character of the Native claimants, and 
the even remote possibility of diamond discoveries which 
had created the class of white speculators and traffickers 
already mentioned ; but tlio danger was immensely increased 
when, as has been said, it was known to Mr. Southey that 
Mr. Burgers, the President of the Transvaal, was intriguing 
with some of them, and with some of the offshoots of the 
Bechuanas forming the Batlapin tribe, making large promises 
to the former if the latter could be persuaded to come under 
the rule of the Eepublic. 

Under such conditions a vague power of " inquiry " 
would have been open to grave objection. In this case it 
was accentuated by the fact that the Land Board in question 
had from the outset failed so entirely to appreciate or 
even recognize the delicate nature of its duties that Mr. 
F. Orpen, the Surveyor-General, declined, at a very early 
stage, to accept any responsibility in connection with its 
proceedings. He had thus virtually withdrawn from it, 
while its fitful and ill-considered " inquiries " were stimula- 
ting the activity of those bent on acquiring land, alarming 
and irritating the Natives, and at the same time encouraging 
President Burgers in his hopes of territorial extension. 

So Mr. Southey journeyed to Griquatown, and sent a 
full report of his proceedings and what he proposed to do 
to Sir Henry Barkly. It was impossible for him to deal 
with disputed and conflicting claims to land, but to allay 
irritation he proposed to issue provisional titles to such 
Griquas as Waterboer might certify to have individual 
rights — such provisional titles to show the extent of each 
farm, and to be available for transfer at minimum prices 


inserted therein. This, though the Commission was appointed, 
was found so difficult to carry out that it had to be 
abandoned, but Mr. Southey had in the mean time appointed 
the three members of his Executive Council a Commission 
to arrange and classify all the claims to land, and report 
to him what cases were clear and undisputed, so that final 
titles might be issued, leaving all disputed or doubtful cases 
for the decision of such authority, whether Eoyal Commis- 
sion or Special Law Court, as the Secretary of State might 

Early in the year some of those who had acquired claims 
to land had made direct application to the Colonial Office 
for titles, and Lord Carnarvon, writing on the 5th August, 
suggested the appointment of a Special Commission, not only 
to inquire into, but to decide the claims of these persons and 
others of a like nature, if they could not be conveniently 
dealt with by the existing Law Courts of the Province. Sir 
Henry Barkly replied to that despatch of the 31st of the 
same month, stating what Mr. Southey had done in the 
matter, and pointing out that the Commission which he 
had appointed could not deal with disputed cases for the 
settlement of which the requisite machinery had to be 
created. All that was then necessary for the settlement 
of the land question was the Secretary of State's authority 
for the issue of the titles in clear cases, and his decision 
as to the nature of the tribunal that should deal with dis- 
puted cases ; but at this point the published correspondence 
ceased, and the matter remained in abeyance. Some private 
communications probably passed between Lord Carnarvon 
and Sir Henry Barkly, though two months elapsed before 
his Despatch was answered, and Sir Henry was, no doubt, 
made to feel that he was on slippery ground, for, writing 
to Mr. Southey on the 9th November, he said — 

" It seems so clear that back-stairs influence is at work 
misrepresenting everything that I all but despair of getting 


the truth listened to. The present Chief (Lord Carnarvon) 
is, I am told by those who know him, crotchety, nervous of 
being found fault with, and obstinate to a degree when he 
has once got an idea into his head. In a private letter, as 
usual very civil, he says he wishes to support you, but that 
the question of title to land has got into such a tangle that 
he has no other mode of settling it but by a Commission." 

In August Mr. Southey reported his appointment of the 
Executive Council members to report on all cases in which 
title might at once be issued, and of this Lord Carnarvon 
eventually approved, and only suggested that " the ground 
should be cleared" before the creation of a legal tribunal 
or the appointment of a Commission to deal with the dis- 
puted or tangled cases to which he had referred. The 
question whether claimants in disputed cases could be 
heard in the Eecorder's Court of the Province had naturally 
been referred to Mr. Shippard, the Acting Attorney- General, 
for opinion ; and it is worthy of note that this simple 
opinion which the Lieutenant-Governor asked for in Sep- 
tember was not furnished till December, and that even 
then Mr. Shippard contemplated a Commission with Judicial 

The condition of the Province then, at the end of 1874, 
was that at the Mines a self-elected Committee of Public 
Safety was trying to over-awe the Government, while 
precious time was being lost over the land question, a 
prompt settlement of which would have silenced the other 
dangerous faction, and prevented an amalgamation of the 
two parties whose interests lay in opposing law and order, 
and the peaceable settlement of vexed questions by legal 
decisions or legislative action. 

If there had been only one hostile faction to deal with, 
or if they could have been dealt with separately, Mr. Southey 
might have been able to cope successfully with either of 
them, but united they might so inflame the passions of 
their adherents, and excite the heedless young fellows who 


delighted in a row of any kind, that the situation was full 
of danger. 

That the position had been clearly described to Sir 
Henry Barkly is plain, for, writing to Mr. Southey on the 
1st December, he said — 

"I am beginning to feel some alarm as to the future state 
of affairs at the Diamond Fields. Misfortunes seem to thicken 
around you. I am sure, however, that you will do your best 
to cope with the crisis." 

At this critical time Mr, Southey found, to his amazement 
and grief, that he could not implicitly rely on the loyal help 
of the whole of his Executive Council, or the support of the 
Governor-in-Chief, through whom alone he could address the 
Secretary of State. He made the painful discovery that 
what Sir Henry Barkly had called " back-stairs influence " 
could be exerted in other places than Downing Street, for 
in December Mr. Shippard went to Cape Town, and there, 
under what Sir Henry afterwards admitted to have been his 
personal direction, prepared the draft of an Ordinance for 
the creation of a Land Court under a single Judge, though in 
the same month he had officially reported to the Lieutenant- 
Governor, his immediate superior, in favour of a Commission 
with judicial power, which was what Lord Carnarvon had 

This sudden change of opinion on the part of so con- 
fidential and important an official as his responsible legal 
adviser would under any circumstances have disturbed the 
mind, if it did not shake the faith, of any Administrator ; 
but that the change should not only have been made but 
acted on behind his back, though Mr. Shippard, as the 
Attorney- General of the Province, was bound to act under 
his direction, was so foreign to Mr. Southey's notions of 
good faith and fair dealing, of professional etiquette, and 
of private honour, that he could scarcely believe it possible. 
He was astonished and deeply wounded to find the man to 


whom he had to look for counsel and support engaged in 
work which he could only regard as justification for loss of 
confidence either in his integrity or in his capacity. 

It must be observed that there was no difference of 
opinion on the main point of getting the land question 
settled as soon as possible. On that the Secretary of State, 
the Go vernor-in- Chief, the Lieutenant-Governor, and his 
legal advisers were all agreed. Whether a Judge or a 
Commission was to deal with disputed cases was a question 
of almost academic nature which could have been settled 
by discussion, or, at the worst, by the final decision of the 
Secretary of State. Mr. Southey personally preferred a 
Commission, as two heads in difficult cases are better than 
one, and a single Judge sitting without appeal might possibly 
be swayed by unconscious mental bias or infirmity of temper, 
as subsequently happened, and seeing that he was supported 
in the choice of a Commission by the Secretary of State and 
his legal adviser, he may naturally have thought he was on 
safe ground ; but no sooner had he informed Sir Henry 
Barkly that he would introduce an Ordinance for dealing 
with the matter than Sir Henry's Cape Town Ordinance 
arrived, which provided for a Court under a single Judge. 
To this in itself Mr. Southey would probably have raised no 
objection, but he saw plainly that the draft went too far in 
some directions, and not far enough in others. It seemed 
to him unjust that natives and others whose claims were 
not disputed should be obliged to employ solicitors and 
counsel, and go into a Law Court, at great cost and incon- 
venience, to obtain a formal recognition of what Sir Henry 
Barkly had himself guaranteed in his " Quieting " Proclama- 
tion when he annexed the territory. 

On reading the draft Ordinance, which had been prepared 
by the Governor and Mr. Shippard, Mr. Southey felt it 
required revision, and though he had been passed by in 
the matter he was bound, as the Eesponsible Lieutenant- 
Governor, to exercise his own judgment and do what he felt 


to be his duty ; so when the draft came before the Executive 
Council for consideration before it could be submitted to 
the Legislature, seven new clauses were added, and others 
were amended. Lord Carnarvon approved of the draft as 
thus amended, subject to an inquiry on one point, and it 
was sent to the Legislative Council, where the second read- 
ing was carried on Mr. Shippard's motion, and it was finally 
passed in the only form in which the elected members would 
support it. The remainder of this part of the story may be 
told in a few words. Mr. Shippard, in his capacity of Acting 
Attorney-General, refused to certify that this Ordinance 
should receive the Eoyal assent, and after Mr. Southey had 
quitted office, the Ordinance, though it had been passed, was 
sent back to the Legislative Council, and it was eventually 
decided that all claims to land should be sent to a special 
Court under a single Judge. Mr. Southey had foreseen a 
possibility which then occurred. The judgments of the 
Court were so harsh that they were submitted to the Law 
Officers of the Crown in England, who were aided by Mr. 
W. Downes Griffith, who had been Attorney-General at the 
Cape before the introduction of Eesponsible Government, and 
finally the issuing of titles was left practically to Captain, 
afterwards Sir Charles, Warren, to be dealt with in a liberal 
spirit, and neither Court nor Commission settled the great 
Land Question after order had been restored in the Province. 
Eeturning to the malcontents at Kimberley, it may be 
noted that as one outcome of the meeting, which resulted 
in the formation of the Vigilance Committee and the Com- 
mittee of Public Safety, a petition was sent home asking for 
the appointment of a Eoyal Commission to inquire into 
the state of Griqualand West, but the grievances set forth 
were so vague, and, if existent at all, were so plainly sus- 
ceptible of domestic legislation or executive action, that the 
prayer for a Eoyal Commission was refused at the beginning 
of 1875, and fresh grounds had to be sought in order to 
keep up the popular excitement. These were soon found, 



The factions of the old Diggers' Committee and the land 
speculators coalesced, and while the Diamond Field news- 
paper, their organ, began to publish violent articles about 
what it called the land swindle, Ling stepped forward as 
the champion of Diggers' rights in his own person, being 
threatened with ejection from a large piece of ground in 
the middle of the town, which he insisted on occupying 
rent free. The Diamond Field having published what the 
Acting Attorney-General considered a seditious libel, in 
which it referred to the Government as " our nefarious 
rulers," the publisher was ordered to be prosecuted, and 
the Diggers' rights, and the liberty of the public through 
the Press, being both menaced, another mass meeting was 
called for the 3rd March. It mattered not that both the 
new grievances were subjects that had to be dealt with by 
the Law Courts, and were outside the scope of the Executive 
■Government's functions. It was "now or never," and 
agitators had, therefore, to make the best of the materials 
at hand. They did not entirely represent public opinion, 
however, for at this time over two hundred bankers, pro- 
fessional men, merchants, and claim-holders presented an 
address to Mr. Southey expressive of their admiration of 
his zeal for the welfare of all classes, as well as of the 
impartiality and ability of his administration, and at the 
same time expressed their entire confidence in him. 

At the mass meeting Tucker presided, and said that at 
first they had no intention of opposing the law, but they 
must stand between Ling and Taylor, the publisher of the 
Diamond Field, and the Government, and stand by each 
other to the end. Mr. Halkett, a barrister, made an excellent 
speech counselling moderation, and suggesting that the pur- 
chase of Vooruitzigt, with its mines, by the Government 
would probably remove most of the present difficulties ; but 
moderate counsels were not acceptable, and at the end of 
the meeting, Aylward, once more dominating the assemblage, 
brushed aside the resolutions which had been passed, and 


amid cheers told them that he had been "ordered to direct 
them " on his hoisting a black flag at the mine, to " assemble 
with their rifles and revolvers and other necessary articles 
in the name of Heaven and of their country." 

Coming from a man of his character and antecedents, 
such words might be thought to be merely sound and fury 
signifying nothing, but, in any case, Mr. Southey was not 
to be deterred by them from the ordinary discharge of his 
duty, and two days after the meeting he opened the Session 
of the Legislative Council, when it was his unpleasant task 
to inform the members that four of the Ordinances passed in 
1874 had been disallowed, a fact which naturally discouraged 
the Council while it cheered the malcontents. Three of these 
Ordinances referred to questions connected with land, with 
regard to which Lord Carnarvon had expressed a msh " to 
have the ground cleared," and the fourth was to empower 
the Government to raise a small loan of £25,000, which was 
urgently needed, for surveys of the land to which titles were 
to be issued, and such modest public works as were most 
necessary or desirable. These included taking out the water 
of the Vaal Pdver at a place called Fourteen Streams, and 
the construction of a channel which would have brought a 
large tract of rich land under irrigation for the growth of the 
cereals, which at that time had to be laboriously carried 
hundreds of miles by bullock-waggons. 

To Mr. Southey the disallowing of the Ordinances which 
he had deemed necessary for the welfare of the Province 
meant more than the discouragement to which elected 
members of the Council might feel at further difficulties 
being put in the way of the settlement of the land question, 
and the stopping of urgently needed public works. It 
showed him beyond the possibility of doubt that, while he 
could not count on the loyal co-operation of his legal adviser, 
or the support of the Governor-in-Chief, he could expect no 
help from the Secretary of State, whose unexpected official 
rebuff was indeed so severe as almost to imply a want of 


confidence. If he had consulted his own dignity and 
happiness he would at once have tendered his resignation. 
Had he done so, and the fact had become known, it is 
possible that the malcontents might have snatched at a 
pretext for abandoning their position in view of possible 
changes in their favour ; but Eichard Southey was not the 
man to quit his post in the moment of danger, and he had 
confidence, with reasonable support, of being able to over- 
come the difficulties that surrounded him. What he did 
not know was that the mere existence of the Province of 
Griqualand West was resented by the Governments of the 
Orange Free State and the South African Eepublic, which 
Lord Carnarvon insisted must not be " rubbed the wrong 
way," at least while he was hoping to get them to enter 
the proposed confederation, for which great preparations 
were already being made. The object Lord Carnarvon had 
in view rendered the nearest thing to effacement of the 
Province so desirable for a time that any signs of vigorous 
life in it had to be suppressed, or at least ignored ; but 
this Mr, Southey, who had not the privilege of private 
correspondence with the Secretary of State, could not know. 
Sick at heart, deserted and isolated, but resolutely deter- 
mined when called upon to face great and imminent danger, 
he went steadily on in the course which duty clearly 

In February, before the mass meeting at which Mr. 
Halkett had suggested the purchase of the farm Vooruitzigt 
as a possible cure for the Diggers' grievances, Mr, Southey 
urged the desirability of this ; but Sir Henry Barkly pro- 
fessed to be so staggered at the suggested price of £80,000 
that he declined to entertain the proposal ; and no doubt 
great offence would have been given to the neighbouring 
Eepublics, which Lord Carnarvon was so anxious to con- 
ciliate, if the Crown had then become the owner of the 
great diamond mines. But three months later, when the 
trouble was virtually over, and all idea of keeping things 


dark had to be abandoned in view of the fact that a British 
force of Horse, Foot, and Artillery had marched through 
the Karoo and was close to Kimberley, he wrote to Lord 
Carnarvon making the suggestion his own, and the property 
was then bought for £100,000, and proved a most successful 
financial operation. 

It was soon made clear that Ay 1 ward had something 
behind him, when at the mass meeting on the 3rd March 
he said he had been ordered to direct the people to assemble 
with arms in their hands as soon as he gave the appointed 
signal. On the 17th another mass meeting was held, at 
which a new organization, called " the Diggers' Association of 
the Combined Camps," was formed, without any mention of 
" protection," and on the same day he was in a position to 
serve out ball cartridges to the seven distinct companies that 
were formed under the chief command of Ling, Tucker, and 
himself, one company being composed of Germans under 
a hot-headed young fellow, said to be of good family, named 
Von Schlickmann,* These companies now commenced to 
drill and parade the streets in arms, and Mr. Southey wrote 
to Sir Henry Barkly that it was absolutely necessary that a 
sufficient force should be stationed at Kimberley till order 
was restored and the ringleaders of the armed opposition to 
the constituted authority made amenable to justice, and that 
in the mean time he could only remain on the defensive. 
Sir Henry replied that he trusted there would be no necessity 
for this, and that the Lieutenant-Governor could rely on 
moral influence in dealing with the situation. It must be 
borne in mind that at this time Despatches took at least a 
week each way between Cape Town and Kimberley, and that 
the nearest telegraph station was at Colesberg, 200 miles 
from the seat of disturbance. 

Left thus to such means as were within his own power, 
Mr. Southey invited all the Justices of the Peace to meet 
and confer with him. He arranged with them to collect the 

* Subsequently killed when fighting for the Transvaal, 


names of all the respectable men who could be relied upon 
to serve as special constables, but Captain GilfiUan, who had 
formerly commanded the Frontier Armed Mounted Police 
at New Eush, and after his retirement had become a claim- 
holder, gave it as his decided opinion that it would be 
impossible to avoid a collision, and that the only advantage 
the Government had was in probably being able to decide 
on what grounds such issue should be joined as to involve 
the use of arms. This, however, was really no advantage. 
The Government, being anxious to preserve the peace, had 
no desire to promote a breach of it that would almost 
certainly end in bloodshed, and had to leave it to the 
insurrectionists to fire the first shot. It was not easy for 
them to hit upon an adequate cause, but one was soon found. 

The action of the newly formed Diggers' Association and 
the parading of the streets by bodies of men with guns in 
their hands could not be ignored, and Mr. Southey on the 
19th March published a Proclamation warning all people 
against taking illegal oaths or assembling in arms. It was 
probably by Aylward's dictation that on the next day a 
counter "Proclamation" in official form, headed with the 
Eoyal Arms, and ending with " God save the Queen," 
appeared in the Diamond Field newspaper, signed by Tucker 
and Ling, for of their own accord they would certainly not 
have ventured on so useless and flagrant an insult to the 
supreme authority. This counter Proclamation traversed that 
issued by the Lieutenant-Governor, and with abundant 
professions of loyalty and affection for the Queen, announced 
the intention of the Diggers' Association to protect life and 
property, and maintain order. It made no mention of Ling 
or Taylor, or the pledge of protecting them, but once more 
changed the front presented by the malcontents, and, assuming 
the right to maintain what they might consider order without 
any reference to law, actually assumed executive powers. 

On the 20th March, the day on which the counter Pro- 
clamation appeared, Mr. Southey laid the position before 

SIR H. barklYs vacillations. 279 

Sir Henry Barkly, again urging prompt and energetic 
measures, and the presence, as soon as possible, of such a 
force as would convince the disaffected that resistance to 
constituted authority was hopeless, and dispel the illusion 
that Her Majesty's Government in Griqualand only existed 
on sufferance. 

Here again was an opportunity, and that Su' Henry 
Barkly failed to avail himself of it can only be accounted 
for by assuming his unwillingness to incur the possible 
displeasure of the Secretary of State. As the Cape Parliament 
was sitting, it may have been inconvenient for him to go 
to Kimberley in person, even if his previous experience had 
not made the prospect of another meeting with the Diggers 
uninviting. If a military or civil officer of sufficient stand- 
ing, or even a member of his personal staff, had been sent 
up to speak in his name, and warn the leaders publicly that 
unless the Association were dissolved, and quiet restored, 
an adequate military force would be sent up at the cost 
of the Province, which at that time meant practically the 
Kimberley mine and township, the strong common sense 
of the bulk of the people would have made them listen 
to reason and consult their own interests, compelling 
Tucker and Ling, who after all were men of no weight, 
to abandon the hopeless enterprise on which they had 
embarked, under the direction of the Fenian Aylward, who 
had virtually taken the command out of their hands. Sir 
Henry, however, had no desire to accept any responsibility 
by associating himself with the Griqualand West Govern- 
ment, as long as it was possible to avoid it, and he replied 
on the 30th March to Mr. Southey's Despatch of the 20th, 
that he had not recommended stationing soldiers at Kimberley, 
though he would do so, or even act on his own responsibility, 
if actually necessary, but that he still hoped to hear that all 
danger was past, and that Mr. Southey had found that he 
could rely on moral influence. The Despatch here quoted 
from is remarkable, because in it Sir Henry reminded Mr. 


Southey that on a former occasion before his appointment, 
when concessions had been extorted by a display of violence, 
they had been worked without military aid. He did not 
add that conciliation had been offered by himself in the form 
of a change of Administration and the promise of self- 
government on the occasion in question, but it was easy 
to read between the lines and see that another change of 
Administration was hinted at as a possibility at the present 
juncture, as a meams of conciliation if moral influence should 
prove insufficient. 

Aylward was not a man to be affected by moral influence, 
even if Mr. Southey had been able to exert it, and the 
leaders of the movement hearing no sound from Cape Town, 
from whence they no doubt expected unpleasant tidings, and 
stimulated by secret unaccredited agents from the Eepublics, 
came not unnaturally to the conclusion — in which, indeed, 
there was considerable truth — that Mr, Southey was not 
being supported by his superior officers. He consulted his 
Executive Council about issuing a notice which he had 
drafted, inviting well-disposed persons to come forward and 
enrol their names for service if they should be wanted, but 
this was opposed by the Acting Attorney-General and the 
Treasurer; the former in a Minute giving as his reasons 
that the movement was more against the owners of the farms 
than against the Government, and deprecating the arming of 
one section of the community against another, except in a 
case of necessity, which had not yet arisen. The latter 
believed the malcontents to be, with few exceptions, perfectly 
loyal, and recommended remission of taxes, the reduction of 
expenditure, and wise conciliation by reformation of the 
Government. Though he could not share their views, which 
he effectually examined and disposed of in a Despatch to Sir 
Henry Barkly on the 27th March, Mr. Southey thought it 
best not to do anything that might precipitate a conflict 
before he was sure of being able to prevent one by a show of 
overwhelming force, and the notice was not issued. Sir 


Henry, writing on the 27th April, expressed an opinion 
adverse to the objections raised by Messrs. Shippard and 

On the 25th March, Sir Henry wrote to Mr. Southey 
that he was glad to find Aylward had openly resorted to 
such violent measures as to admit of his arrest if it could be 
done by the ordinary arm of the law, but that he would be 
loath to send soldiers till after an outbreak had occurred. 
The arrest of Aylward, or rather an attempt to arrest him, at 
that time would no doubt have caused the outbreak, but as 
he was wholly unprepared for it, Mr. Southey could not take 
the suggested step, which must have immediately brought 
about a conflict in which he would have had no chance 
of success against the three hundred armed men at Aylward's 
back. Matters consequently remained as they were. 

Mr. Tucker was too sensible to believe that any permanent 
success could be achieved by Aylward's violence, but he 
probably thought, seeing Mr. Southey appeared to be un- 
supported, that he might be willing, if not to purchase peace 
at any price, to make such concessions as would suit the 
immediate purposes of his followers and himself, and on the 
24th March he asked if the Lieutenant-Governor would 
receive a deputation to discuss eleven matters of grave 
importance. Mr. Southey replied, reviewing the eleven 
matters proposed to be dealt with. He pointed out that 
only three could be made the subject of immediate con- 
ference, and said that on those he was prepared to receive, 
not a deputation, but any persons who in their private 
capacity might desire an interview. The three subjects 
were the necessity for a vagrant law, regulations for security 
and order in mining camps, and the registration of servants. 
No possible concessions in all or any of these matters could 
help the Association, and the interview was never asked for. 

The ordinary course of law had to be followed if the 
Government was not to fall into absolute contempt, and 
when, in the course of regular inspections, it was found that 


contraventions of the Cape Colonial law relating to arms and 
ammunition — a subject on which the neighbouring Republics 
felt very sensitive — were occurring, some ten persons 
were summoned to appear before the Eesident Magistrate to 
answer the charge made against them. One of these was 
AVilliam Cowie, a canteen keeper, not a licensed dealer in 
arms, who had obtained twenty guns, which he had delivered 
to Aylward. Whether Cowie claimed the protection of the 
Association does not appear, though he might fairly have 
done so ; but the Association took up his cause, and between 
the issuing of the summons and the hearing of the case it 
became known that any attempt to carry out a conviction 
would be resisted by force of arms. 

The trial took place on the 13th April, and, though a 
serious breach of the peace was almost certain to occur, the 
Lieutenant-Governor's orders were that all public business 
should be carried on as usual, and that every public servant 
should be at his post. The convicts and their Zulu guards 
were kept in the prison yard, and the Inspector of Police 
was instructed to have half a dozen of his men at the Court 
House with their rifles and bayonets to escort the prisoner, 
if necessary, while the rest of his force, only about twenty, 
were to be under arms inside the gaol gates ready to fall in 
at a minute's notice. 

Cowie was convicted at about four o'clock in the after- 
noon, and some of the people in Court hurried out. He was 
sentenced to pay a fine of £50 or undergo three months' 
imprisonment with hard labour. Thereupon a black fiag 
was hoisted at the mine, and armed men at once appeared 
converging on the Court House. No time should be lost 
if the prisoner were to be taken to gaol, and then it appeared 
that the instructions to the police had been either neglected 
or forgotten, for there was no escort, and the men were in 
their barracks about a hundred yards below the gaol, while 
the Associationists, running from different parts, had lined 
the road in front of it, and blocked the entrance. In this 


emergency Mr. D'Arcy, the Resident Magistrate, who, having 
been a witness, had not been able to try the case, rushed into 
the Government Offices and returned with four Justices of 
the Peace, Captain John Carr, Dr. Grimmer, Mr. T. E. 
Merriman, and Mr. H. B. Roper, and joining Sergeant 
Bradshaw of the Mounted Police and three of his men, 
who had been hastily collected, volunteered to take the 
prisoner to the gaol, a distance of about 250 yards. The 
entrance being blocked by the armed Associationists, 
the escort with the prisoner halted in front of them. Mr. 
D'Arcy inquired who was in command, and Ling stepped 
forward. Asked if he knew what he was doing, he 
called Tucker, who requested the magistrate to let things 
remain as they were while they went to the Council 
Chamber to see Mr. Southey. While this was going on 
the police, twenty-four in number, had formed up with 
fixed bayonets on the rioters' left flank, who would thus 
have been raked by their fire, but Von Schlickmann's 
Germans occupied a mound in their rear, so that any firing 
must have caused great loss of life, as the street was by 
that time crowded by non-combatants. When a parley 
was asked for it was clear that there would be no fighting ; 
but an attempt was made to bring it about, for Von Schlick- 
mann, mixing with the crowd, and getting near to Mr. 
D'Arcy, fired his revolver in the air close to his head. 

While all this was going on in the Court House and at 
the gaol, the Legislative Council had met at its usual hour, 
but for the first time none of the official members were 
present. While waiting for them, men were seen hurrying 
across the market square with guns, and shortly afterwards 
about thirty men were drawn up opposite the Council 
Chamber by an ex-sergeant of the 86th Regiment, who had 
been Mr. Southey's messenger, and ordered to load with ball 
cartridge. Mr. Southey and the members of the Executive 
Council had stepped outside to see what was going on, and 
when the order to load was given they expected to be fired 


on, but " By the right, quick inarch " was the word of 
command, and the men moved off in the direction of the 
Court House. In a few minutes Mr. D'Arcy arrived, say- 
ing that Tucker and Ling desired a conference with the 
Lieutenant-Governor ; but to this the members of the 
Executive Council so strongly objected, on the ground that 
he might thus be involved in a personal wrangle, with the 
possibility of insult or even violence, that Mr. Southey 
allowed the Secretary to Government and the Acting 
Attorney-General to go to the adjoining office of the former 
to meet Messrs. Tucker and Ling, who Aylward had at the 
last moment forced into the post of honour and danger, while 
he, after hoisting the black flag, mounted and rode as fast as 
he could into the country, where he remained in hiding till 
it was safe for him to come in and surrender. 

Questioned as to their intentions in opposing in arms the 
officers of the law, Tucker at once shifted his ground, and 
said they wanted Cowie released on bail, pending the re- 
vision of his sentence by the Kecorder. This was on the 
face of it absurd, for the sentence had in any case to be 
so reviewed, and if the Eecorder did not endorse the 
magistrate's judgment, the sentence could not be carried 
out. Moreover, there had been no question of bail when 
the magistrate gave his judgment. What the Associationists 
then meant was that they would neither let Cowie pay a 
fine nor go to prison. Mr. Grey, the magistrate who had 
tried the case, being sent for, refused to hear an application 
for bail. His temporary duty had indeed terminated — 
Kimberley not being his district — when the Court rose at 
its conclusion. Mr. D'Arcy, who had thus resumed his 
position, expressed his willingness to accept bail, provided 
the money was lodged. Mr. Tucker thereupon gave his 
cheque for £50, not to be presented for payment pending 
the revision of the sentence ; Cowie was released, and the 
crowd dispersed. What had been a serious danger was thus 
averted, and Sir Henry Barkly and Lord Carnarvon praised the 


courage, firmness, and tact shown by the higher officials 
and Justices of the Peace. So far all was well ; bloodshed 
had been avoided and peace preserved, but the Association 
had gained nothing, and was proportionately discontented. 
Ling would not hear of disarming, Tucker wished to dictate 
terms, and Mr, Southey reported on the 17th that he feared 
a violent outbreak before troops could arrive. In the 
mean time he enrolled 200 volunteers, besides some old 
soldiers, as special constables, and was fortifying the gaol 
and the public offices. 

Sir Henry Barkly replied on the 24th that he feared 
troops would have to be sent; but on the 23rd he had 
written to Lord Carnarvon that he hoped not to have to 
resort to military intervention, and on the same day he 
wrote to General Cunynghame, commanding the forces, 
that he would defer positive instructions for the dispatch 
of the column which, after some correspondence, was ready 
to start. He had once written to Lord Carnarvon that he 
thought of going up in person, taking one hundred men 
of the 24th Eegiment in light waggons, and a score of 
armed Mounted Police as an escort. Had he done so, had 
he even gone without the soldiers and the escort, and called 
the people together, and told them that while all grievances 
admitted of redress either by executive or legislative action, 
any attempt to take the law or the executive power into 
their own hands would be sternly put down, he would have 
rallied the respectable part of the community ; then the 
leaders of the violent party, abandoned by the bulk of their 
followers, would have had to retire ; but this opportunity, 
like others that had preceded it, was allowed to slip. 

To understand how a man of Sir Henry Barkly's know- 
ledge and experience could have shown such weakness it 
is necessary to remember that, as has been said, Lord 
Carnarvon's scheme of federation was then paramount in 
Downing Street, The project was indeed at that time 
before the Cape Parliament, where it was meeting with 


little favour, and the two Eepublics had declared that the 
mere existence of the Province of Griqualand was a bar 
to their entertaining the question. There was thus the 
gravest objection to bringing it into such prominent notice 
as would be caused by the Queen's troops appearing there. 
Things must be kept quiet for a time at least, at any risk, 
and Lord Carnarvon, apart from what he may have said in 
private letters, declined to give any instructions or express 
any opinion on what was occurring at Kimberley, while he 
professed to have serious anxiety about the financial con- 
dition of the Province, whose revenue and expenditure 
were less than those of many private persons in England. 

In addition to the cue thus given him. Sir Henry 
Barkly's caution and dislike to personal responsibility placed 
him in a new difficulty. He could not move any Colonial 
force without the consent of his Ministers, for which he does 
not appear to have taken the responsibility of asking, and so, 
as things grew worse, he had at last to place himself in the 
hands of the General Commanding the Queen's forces, who 
was willing to do what was necessary, but would only do it 
in his own way by going in person with a column of Horse, 
Foot, and Artillery, at an estimated cost of £28,500. This 
had to be avoided, or postponed as long as possible, and, 
catching at straws. Sir Henry, writing on the 23rd April, 
urged Mr. Southey to be conciliatory, expressed a pious 
horror at the misguided men being called rebels, and, for- 
getting his suggestion to arrest Aylward, questioned the 
trial of Cowie, of which it would be thought in London that 
Mr. Southey had provoked a collision for which he was 
unprepared. He also received a deputation from Kimberley 
at Cape Town, but all to no purpose. The armed bands 
continued to parade the streets and suburbs, farmers would 
not come to market, business was paralyzed, merchants and 
traders were blackmailed to support the Association, and 
servants were frightened away. The Executive and Legisla- 
tive Councils, the Justices of the Peace, the bankers and 


merchants all declared that the presence of an adequate force 
was absolutely necessary, and on the 8th May a column 
of 250 of the 1st Battalion 24th Eegiment, under Colonel 
Glyn ; one officer and twenty-five men Eoyal Artillery, with 
two Armstrong guns ; forty Mounted Infantry, and one 
Medical Officer, set out on the long march of 600 miles from 
Wellington, where the railway to Kimberley then ended, 
the General, with his Military Secretary and Aide-de-Camp, 
overtaking them on the way. 

Even then it was hoped that the troops might not proceed 
beyond Hope Town, on the banks of the Orange Eiver, and 
Sir Henry Barkly impressed the desirability of this on Mr. 
Southey by writing to him, " I give you warning that if the 
troops come I come." Mr. Southey thoroughly understood 
this, for in the presence of the Governor-in-Chief his 
functions as Lieutenant-Governor would be in abeyance, 
with little prospect of his resuming them ; but the veiled 
threat had no terrors for him. He would do his duty in the 
face of misrepresentation and obloquy, and even personal 
danger ; but he had no wish, and did not intend, to continue 
to occupy a post in which, without fair support, it was 
impossible to serve his Sovereign with credit to himself 
or advantage to the Province over which he had been 

To continue the narrative, Mr. Southey replied with some 
vigour to Sir Henry Barkly's strictures on the 29th April, 
and quoting his words in reference to Cowie's case he said 
that if he was not to " endeavour to enforce the law without 
a sufficient force to support the officers of Justice," it rested 
with His Excellency to provide such a force, and that, for the 
want of it, the law, both civil and criminal, was in abeyance, 
to the discredit and demoralization not only of the Govern- 
ment, but of the whole community. This was undoubtedly 
the case, for the Recorder had officially reported that the 
writs and judgments of the High Court could not be 


There was thus no alternative left, and the column of 
troops had indeed already started, but both Sir Henry Barkly 
and the Association still entertained hopes that it would 
never reach Kimberley. The former, writing to the General 
on the 27th May, trusted that the force would not have to 
cross the Orange Eiver ; the latter, steadily increasing their 
numbers, said on the 12th June that they would meet 
the Commander of the Forces, and ask for an amnesty, but 
that they would go with nearly 800 armed men. This was 
mere bombast. They never intended to do anything of the 
sort, but they hoped that such bravado would make Mr. 
Southey yield. 

These hopes were disappointed. The column crossed the 
Orange Eiver, and when it reached the Modder Eiver, twenty- 
five miles from Kimberley, there was more brave talk of 
marching out to dispute the passage ; but it was only talk, 
for on the 26th June the force crossed without opposition, 
and on the 30th it entered Kimberley, and formed up in 
the Market Square amidst demonstrations of joy on the 
part of the inhabitants, after the period of anxiety and 
trouble, which might so easily have been avoided, had lasted 
six months. Next morning a Proclamation was issued by 
Mr. Southey, extending an amnesty to all illegal bodies, with 
the exception of six leaders, on condition of the dissolution of 
the Association and the surrender of all illegally acquired 
arms and ammunition, — terms which were readily accepted. 
Five of the leaders were arrested, and admitted to bail, but 
Aylward, the fire-eater, sent a notice of his death to the 
newspaper, and hid himself in a remote part of the Province, 
only emerging to go, with the other five, through a form 
of trial which involved no unpleasant consequences to purse 
or person. He re-appeared in 1881 as the legal adviser of 
the Boer Forces at the Peace negotiations after Majuba, 
and is said to have died in America. 

With the arrival of the troops, the disbanding of the 
Association and surrender of arms, all became quiet in 


Griqualand. Affairs resumed their normal course, but a 
serious blow had been dealt to the Federation Policy, and if 
no blood had been shed, money had been spent, so some one 
had to suffer, and if the promoters of the trouble were to 
go scot free, the only person left was the Lieutenant-Governor. 
Sir Henry Barkly arrived on the 3rd August, and assumed 
office, superseding Mr. Southey, and on the 4th Lord Carnarvon 
said in a "Despatch that after what had occurred it was 
almost impossible for him to hold a neutral position, that 
the financial position of the Province required the substitu- 
tion of a less highly paid officer ; and that, apart from that, it 
was desirable for him to make way for another. 

Mr. Southey received this intelligence with the calmness 
which distinguished him. He offered no objection, and made 
no complaint. He reviewed what had been accomplished 
during his short tenure of office, and feeling, like Sir Henry 
Lawrence, that he had tried to do his duty, he not unwillingly 
laid down the position for which, he reminded Sir Henry 
Barkly, he had never asked. 



Mr. Southey Membor for Grahamstown — Sir Bartle Frere's Rule, Session 
of 1877 — Ministry formation, Session of 1878 — Ijord Carnarvon's 
blunders — IMr. Southey receives a knighthood — Closing years and 
family history. 

IX September, 1876, the death of Mr. Clough, one of the 
Members for Grahamstown in the House of Assembly, 
caused a vacancy which Mr. Southey determined to contest. 
His opponent was Mr. Advocate Stockenstrom, who declared 
in his manifesto that he would strive to remove the obstacles 
to South African federation. He was opposed to separation 
pure and simple. Local wants and the Kowie would of 
course be attended to. 

Mr. Southey, in a letter addressed to the Hon. Mr. 
Cawood, says — 

" I have always advocated the construction of Railways, 
Harbour Works, and Roads in particular. A I'ailroad from Port 
EHzabeth to the Orange River, passing through Grahamstown, 
was my ambition. The only thing to be done now will be to 
have a line from it to Grahamstown, and thence to Port Alfred. 
The Native question, however, is the most important, for unless 
the population can feel that there is safety and security, it is 
impossible that there can be prosperity. "What man living 
within the reach of Kafirs can - be expected to spend money in 
the improvement of his stock if there is a possibility of his 
stock being swept away by an enemy 1 Ever since the days of 
Sir B. D'Urban I have considered the best Native policy to be 
that which was subsequently greatly extended by Sir George 
Grey, i.e. the abrogation of Native laws and customs, the 
abolition of the power of the Native chiefs, the gradual intro- 
duction of civilized laws and habits, and to encourage the 
Natives to acquire fixed property." 


Mr. Wood, junior, declared that Mr. Southey had told 
him " that did his friends in Grahamstown only know of the 
measures intended for the injury of Grahamstown that he 
had been able to avert they would thank him." 

Subsequently, Mr. Southey issued addresses in which he 
laid great stress on the defence of the Colony, and extension of 
British supremacy, including civilized jurisdiction over Native 
tribes. He also advocated the construction of a line of rail- 
way from Grahamstown to the Kowie, as well as the appoint- 
ment of a third Judge to the Eastern Districts Court and an 
extension of its jurisdiction. At last the eventful polling- 
day came in the City of the Settlers, and the result was, in 
the words of The Cape Argus, " that old Grahamstown beat 
young Grahamstown," and Mr. Southey stood at the top of 
the poll, and was duly returned as one of the members for 
the House of Assembly. Mr. Stockenstrom was a foeman 
worthy of the steel of the old statesman who had so long 
borne high office, and the fight was very fierce. So close 
was the contest that at four o'clock in the afternoon the 
successful candidate was only forty-seven ahead of his 
opponent. The total number of the electors registered in 
the constituency was 1614, and at the close of the proceed- 
ings only 911 had voted. 

The election really bore no political significance, as it was 
difficult to distinguish between the expressed views of the 
candidates. It was felt, however, that Mr. Southey was 
a special gain to Parliament because of his lengthened 
knowledge and experience. The following extracts of a 
letter from Mr. Godlonton are interesting : — 

" Grahamstown, 23rd September, 1876. 
" My dear Southey, — It is quite possible you will expect to 
hear from me now your name is before a Grahamstown public. 
You may be surprised also, after our many years of intercourse, 
that I do not place myself in the forefi'ont of the political move 
for your election as a representative of the Settlers' City. A 
few words of explanation seem to be necessary, as I should 


regret extremely were you to misunderstand me. I may here 
state that nothing would afford me more pleasure, were you 
unencumbered, than to see you in Parliament ; but, looking at 
all the circumstances by which you are surrounded at the present 
moment, I am in doubt as to the good policy of your entering 
upon a contested election at the present moment. 

"A great effort is making on behalf of Advocate Stockenstrom, 
and it would be folly not to take into account the probability of 
a defeat. This must in no wise be lost sight of. I may here 
state that I have been interviewed by both parties, and have 
positively declined to take an active part with either. I need 
not say that should you persist in going to the poll I shall be 
ashamed of myself not to give you my hearty vote. You will 
readily believe that the name of Stockenstrom is not particularly 
musical to me; but still I am bound in justice to say of the 
Advocate, that as an inhabitant of Grahamstown his deportment 
has been such as to secure the public respect, and to gather 
about him a goodly number of warm and active friends. 

" Of course, you will be championed by the Dean, and this 
alone will act as a motive for many to place themselves in an 
attitude of determined opposition. The Bishop's friends are 
numerous and influential, and they distrust the Dean, and will 
hardly follow him. I should have rejoiced to see you walk over 
the course ; but I am very dubious of the good policy of your 
being drawn into a contested election. Erom my standpoint 
this is the conclusion I have arrived at, and which has moved 
me up to the present moment to take a neutral position ; in- 
dependent of which I am constrained by the weight of years 
to stand aside, as far as possible, from party conflict. 

" It was very well known here that Cawood had written to 
you, and as it is also well understood that he is a mere cat's-paw 
of the Dean, through his son-in-law Nelson, the opposite party 
were roused up to action at once, the outcome being the 
numerously signed requisition to Stockenstrom which appeared 
in yesterday's Journal. 

" I need not say that I write all this in confidence, and shall 
be glad to have an expression of your own views, equally con- 
fidential, for my own satisfaction. My impression is that you 
have been badly treated by the Government, but the question 


now is whether your introduction into Parliament would better 
your position, and whether an unsuccessful endeavour to get in 
may not be very prejudicial. I confess I cannot see my way 
clearly on this point, and need only add that whatever course 
you may decide on taking you will have my sincere sympathy. 
My regard for you is not of yesterday, and will certainly not 
be lessened by any course you may take in the matter in question. 
"With kindest remembrances to Mrs. Southey, 

" I remain, 

" Yours very truly, 


A brief resume of events during the time of Sir Bartle 
Frere, who took over the duties of Governor of the Cape 
Colony on the 31st March, 1877, may be useful. His 
mandate from Lord Carnarvon was to carry out a scheme 
of South African confederation, and the suavity of his 
manners and proved ability caused him to be selected for 
this exceedingly difficult task. Indeed, any one who knew 
the country thoroughly would have seen that it was im- 
possible to carry out this scheme, as the majority of the 
electors of a country ruled under Eesponsible Government 
were opposed to it. Mr. Fronde's mission in favour of 
federation, although successful in a few of the larger Eastern 
constituencies, was rather calculated to damage the Colonial 
Secretary's proposal by naturally irritating the Ministry and 
giving them occasion to complain of undue interference. 

On the 12th April, 1877, Sir Theophilus Shepstone 
annexed the South African Republic, and this was done 
entirely without the interference or consent of Sir Bartle 
Frere. Hardly had the astonishing intelligence been con- 
veyed to him than he had to confront the ninth Kafir war 
with the Xosa tribe, which commenced by a trivial quarrel 
between a few Xosas and Fingoes at a wedding feast in 
Trans-Keian territory. In Augvist, 1877, the Colonial 
Volunteers were called out, and sent with a regiment of 
the line against Kreli, who lost about seven hundred men 


and then fled into Pondoland. Then the Volunteers sought 
their homes, only to be called out again when Sandilli and 
other Chiefs rose in arms. Large forces had to be called 
out, and the war lasted many months, until Kreli was 
thoroughly beaten and Sandilli killed. In the midst of 
hostilities the Governor proceeded to the frontier and took 
such exception to the interference of one of the ministers 
(Mr. Merriman) with military operations as to dismiss the 
Molteno Ministry and call upon Mr. Gordon Sprigg to form 
a Cabinet. This was done on the 6th February, 1878, with 
the eventual approval of Parliament, where extremely fierce 
discussions took place. One result of this Kafir war was 
the considerable extension of the Cape Colony by the in- 
clusion of extensive territories between the Kei Eiver and 
the Natal border. 

A much more serious Native conflict commenced in 
January, 1879, when, in consequence of demands for redress 
and for the disbandment of the Zulu army being disregarded, 
war was declared against Cetywayo. Every one knows of 
the dreadful calamity at Isandlwana mountain, when our 
central column was surprised and slaughtered by the Zulus 
in an unprotected camp. But, fortunately, the garrison at 
Eorke's Drift, on the Tugela, successfully repulsed a Zulu 
army, and Natal, as well as British prestige, was saved. 
Eventually the savage foe was so completely defeated that 
Cetywayo became a fugitive, and subsequently died of grief. 
But the British tax-payer had become impatient of taxation 
expended in fighting for a comparatively worthless country. 
The British public required a scapegoat, and Sir Bartle 
Frere was sacrificed. One of his last acts was to induce 
Sir Gordon Sprigg to propose in vain a resolution in favour 
of Confederation, and, being recalled, he returned to England 
in September, 1880, there to die of a broken heart. Subse- 
quently there was a revulsion of opinion in England, and 
a monument was erected in London in honour of this great 

SESSION OF 1877. 295 

" Can storied urn or animated bust 

Back to its mansion call the fleeting breath ? 
Can honour's voice provoke the silent dust, 

Or flattery soothe the dull cold ear of death 1 '* 

The Session of 1877 was opened by Sir Bartle Frere, who 
was sent out with the object of arranging a union or con- 
federation of the Colonies and States of South Africa. On 
Monday, 28th May, Mr. Southey took his seat in the Assembly 
as a private member introduced by Mr. Probart (Graaffreinet) 
and Mr. Human (Piquetberg). At this sitting Mr. Southey 
seconded a motion of Mr. John Paterson calling upon the 
Government for detailed accounts connected with railways. 
On the 7th June, when the Griqualand West Annexation 
Bill second reading was moved, Mr. Southey spoke about 
the wishes of the inhabitants of that Province not having 
been consulted, and information not having been supplied 
with reference to the financial position of the country, the 
present state of the land question, population, and other 
matters of importance. It would be, no doubt, beneficial 
for Griqualand West to be in closer union with this Colony, 
but before such a serious step as annexation was taken we 
ought to be furnished with ample information. Under these 
circumstances he thought that the Bill should be referred 
to a select Committee, and he moved accordingly. This 
amendment was, however, withdrawn on condition that the 
Bill should be afterwards referred to a Committee, and the 
second reading was carried without a division. On the 9th 
June Mr. Southey obtained such a Committee, although by 
a rider to his motion its scope of inquiry was narrowed by 
being more clearly defined. 

Mr. Southey, of course, joined the Opposition to the 
Molteno Ministry, and might have been described as a 
Colonial Conservative. In the Budget Debate on 20th June, 
1877, he feared that the Government had over-estimated 
their assets and under- estimated their expenditure. Many 


members held that no sufficient provision had been made 
for the defence of the country, and after analyzing the state- 
ments of the Colonial Secretary (Mr. Molteno) in considerable 
detail, Mr. Southey supported an amendment in favour of 
postponing the consideration of the Estimates for a week — 
that is, until they could consider the subject of Defence. 
Although in a minority, the Opposition succeeded in lash- 
ing the Premier into fury. He cried out in reply to Mr. 
Paterson — 

" Really, Mr. Speaker, this is more than we can bear. The 
Government is charged with mismanaging the affairs of the 
country and being incompetent to hold their present position, 
and I do earnestly entreat the House to judge between us." 

This gave Mr. Southey an opportunity of which he took 

" He remembered how the Colonial Secretary (Mr. Molteno) 
when he (Mr. Southey) was at the head of the House used to 
make requests of the Government of the day, and the way in 
which these requests were made ; the request for a week's 
postponement of the Estunates was mild indeed in comparison. 
(Hear, hear.) The Colonial Secretary, who sat opposite to him, 
was at that moment looking at him so steadily that the speaker 
felt almost abashed. He thought the Colonial Secretary was 
much too apt to rise on the question of want of confidence. He 
thought that full freedom should be given to all members of 
the House to express their opinions without the Premier saying, 
' Oh, if you are going to vote this way you are going to raise the 
question of a vote of want of confidence.' Then some members 
were ready to rise and say, ' For God's sake don't allow it to 
come to that.' " 

He contrasted his own former position, when he had to 
bear very strong language with fortitude and patience, and 
concluded by begging the Ministry not to be so thin-skinned 
as to wince under the slightest criticism. 

On the 25th July, 1877, Mr. Southey brought forwai'd a 
very sound resolution requiring that the surplus revenues of 


Basutoland should not be merged in the revenue of the 
Cape Colony, and pointing out that if the policy of the 
Government towards the Basutos were continued it would 
have a most injurious effect. An amendment of Mr. 
Maasdorp requiring all money raised in Basutoland to be 
spent in Basutoland was carried by a majority of four, 
the Ministry voting in its favour. During the session Mr. 
Southey heartily co-operated with Mr. Sprigg in opposing 
the Molteno Ministry, with Mr. John Paterson as a very 
strong, slashing, and indeed somewhat compromising auxiliary. 
Early in 1878 Sir Bartle Frere threw off the velvet glove, 
and with an iron hand put aside the Molteno Ministry. The 
following letters are very significant : — 

" Private. 

" King William's Town, 6th February, 1878. 

" Dear Mr. Southey, — I hope you hare not misunderstood 
my reasons for not pressing you to continue our telegraphic 
conversation, after your telegram to me on Monday. 

" I found the position here so impossible after Mr. Molteno 
gave himself over to Mr. Merriman as irresponsible Military 
Dictator that I apprehended the most serious consequences 
unless an immediate stop could be put to the deadlock. 

' ' I therefore consulted Mr. Sprigg, who was on the spot, and 
who, as leader of the Opposition and in other respects seemed best 
able to advise me in the crisis. 

" I found that whilst very sensible of your high claims to 
office and of the support you had given last Session to what he 
considered sound policy, your position and the offices you have 
already filled made it difficult to suggest your acceptance of any 
but the highest position in the Ministry. 

" We moreover thought we might find it necessary to obtain 
your assistance on a Commission which it will, I think, be 
imperative to assemble when the war is ended, to inquire into 
many questions of great importance in Kafirland, and to report 
on many points preliminary to a resettlement of the country. 

" We are getting on slowly, but I hope surely. Cabinets, as 
you know, are not made in a day, and do not remain unalterable. 


I shall therefore still be very glad to know confidentially your 
views on the questions I put to you in my Sunday's telegram, 
" Believe me, dear Mr. Southey, 

" Very truly yours, 

« H. B. Fkere. 
'• Hon. R. Southey." 

" Wynberg, 12tli February, 1878. 

" My dear Sir Bartlr, — I have to thank your Excellency 
for your letter of the 6th inst., which reached me yesterday. 
With the further information acquired since I was in telegraphic 
communication with you I can well understand how impossible 
it was to carry on the Government at all satisfactorily until a 
change of Ministry had been accomplished. 

"Although not desirous of taking office at the present time, 
I should not have hesitated to place my services at your disposal, 
if that had been desired, and I need only now add that if I can 
be of use hereafter in aiding to put affairs on such a footing as to 
give security to the people of this Colony, and also to the Natives 
beyond it against occurrences such as all are now suffering from, 
I shall willingly place myself at your disposal. 

"With reference to our telegraphic communications I may 
now say that during last Session I worked with the Opposition 
without feeling that there was any leader for general purposes ; 
we were united particularly for one object, and that one was an 
endeavour to force the Government to see the great and daily 
increasing danger to be apprehended from our unpreparedness 
to meet native troubles, and the importance of diminishing the 
danger by letting it be felt by all classes that we were ready to 
act with promptitude in the event of a disturbance of the peace. 
Outside this question, or matters more or less bearing upon it, I 
did not consider myself to be bound to any party. 

"'Party' Government has not yet taken deep root in this 
Colony, and any one forming a Ministry will be compelled, I 
apprehend, to do as Mr. Molteno did, viz. to endeavour to 
strengthen his position by calling to his aid men holding 
opinions very different to his own. I do not consider such a 
practice desirable, but in Mr. Molteno's case it was, I suppose, 
unavoidable, and may continue to be so for some time to 
prevent frequent changes of whole Cabinets. 

SESSION OF 1878. 299 

"I sincerely hope that with the Government now formed you 
will be able to bring about a satisfactory close of the war, 
future safety, rather than speed, being regarded as the most 

" Believe me to be, 

" Very faithfully yours, 


The Session of 1878 was opened by Sir Bartle Frere, who 
had dismissed the Molteno Ministry, and caused the formation 
of a Cabinet under Mr. Sprigg. A Kafir war was raging on 
the frontier, and establishment of an efficient defence force, 
as well as a settlement of the Native question upon a 
statesmanlike basis, became with confederation the chief 
questions of the day. It seemed desirable to abolish what 
remained of the tribal system within the Colony, and to 
refuse any recognition of the power of Native Chiefs. This 
really meant the adoption of Mr. Southey's policy, whose 
views with regard to Native questions are contained in 
Memoranda published in the Appendix.* 

In the great debate which took place in the House of 
Assembly on the subject of the Ministerial dismissal, Mr. 
Southey declared that they would not establish a safe 
constitutional principle, if Mr. Merriman's resolutions 
condemning Sir Bartle Frere were agreed to, but that it 
was possible to amend them. Mr. Sprigg objected to this, 
and said that they should decide the real question — a vote 
of want of confidence — so as to be able to go on with the 
business of the country. Eventually Mr. Southey voted for 
Mr. Maasdorp's amendment, carried by thirty -seven to twenty- 
two, which declared that under all the circumstances the 
removal from of&ce of the late Ministry was unavoidable. 

On the 6th July, 1878, Mr. Southey moved for copies of 
correspondence between Sir Henry Barkly and himself with 
regard to the Griqualand West land matters, and took 

* Sec Appendix. 


the opportunity of going fully into the question of Griqua 
transactions under Cornelius Kok and Andries Waterboer. 
On a previous occasion he had emphatically declared that — 

" he could not undertake to say why the Griquas had re- 
belled, but he thought if he had been treated as the Griquas 
of Griqualand West had been treated, although he was a loyal 
man and had a high respect for the British Government, he 
would himself have rebelled." 

Mr. Stockenstrom said — 

" that if it was the object of the honourable member 
for Grahamstown to do justice to those unfortunate Natives 
who had been made outcasts in consequence of the machinations 
of Land jobbers, he entirely concurred with him. Out of 220 
claims the vast majority were ostensibly for Griquas, but in 
reality for Landjobbers, who stood behind their backs, prominent 
among whom, he regretted to say, ■^as Mr. Arnot." 

Mr. Stockenstrom had been the judge of the Land 
Court, and the following extracts from a private letter are 
interesting. We are told — 

" Halkett has retired from Waterboer's case on account 
of words used by the Judge. He will still appear for the 
private claimants, Arnot, etc., but won't go any more into what 
is called the general question — that is, going over the Keate 
award again. The origin of the row was, some of Waterboer's 
councillors had been tampered with, and swore that they did not 
sign the cessions to Arnot, and knew nothing about them. 
Some witnesses also spoke of a land register which Waterboer 
and Arnot said never existed. The Judge lost his temper 
altogether, and threatened to send the sheriff with a search- 
warrant to look for it. This Shippard objected to as a strong 
measure, a little later on proposing to call Waterboer into the 
box. He, the Judge, said, ' How can I depend on a man who is 
a drunkard, half an imbecile, and a puppet in the hands of 
others ? ' Coryndon took the words down and reported them to the 
Chief and Halkett. Next morning Stockenstrom seemed to be 
aware of the blunder he had made, and commenced in a rather 


humble manner to explain to Halkett how the thing came about, 
and then Halkett got up and withdrew his case : see report in 
paper I send, Stockenstrom was sat upon entirely. The truth 
of the matter is that Halkett was glad of the opportunity of 
giving the Judge a snubbing, and it suited him to letire at the 
time he did, as he had led all the important evidence. We 
are rather chuckling over the thing. Arnot, in his great self- 
coniidence, has camped Waterboer's train on the cricket-ground, 
where that scoundrel Greef, living with Buyskes, has constant 
opportunity of tampering with them and keeping them in 
liquor. Andries Van Rooi was in the witness-box and examined 
about his four farms over Vaal River. This was Buyskes' 
great card, and he swaggered over and bullied the old man, but 
got nothing out of him except that the farms were given him 
for his services as commandant, that when he got them he might 
sell them and pay his debt to Mr. Southey, but he must first 
have a specified account. In answer to the question put to him by 
Mr. Shippard, at Colonel Grossman's suggestion, ' Were the farms 
for you ? ' he gave a decisive 'No,' and went on as I have began. 
Buyskes commenced bullying, on cross-examination, demanding 
the letters written by Arnot to him. He brought three documents, 
one a cession of the farms to Arnot three years ago, and two un- 
important letters. ' But there is another letter of such a date ; 
where is it ? ' The old man had shown it to Greef, who was 
at Buyskes' elbow. When the Judge ordered him, Greef, to 
take Van Rooi up in a cab and bring down the letter he had 
seen, Colonel Crossman was in Court, and everybody waited 
anxiously, thinking, ' Now the murder is out,' Arnot sitting 
quietly by, not moving a muscle. When the letter came, 
Buyskes jumped up to read it in his most blustering manner. 
It turned out to be a long and very good letter on every 
subject but the one in question ; the only reference to that was a 
line, saying that his debt to Mr. Southey had been long settled ; 
after this, Buyskes sat down, and the matter ended. My 
opinion on the evidence is that Arnot seems to have got the 
cession of the four farms, and can apply them to his own use. 
Van Rooi having produced receipts for the amount of the 
Promissory Notes to you to within £10 or £15. Halkett behaved 
very well about it, jumping up furious when he thought Shippard 
was lukewarm in your defence. He had all your accounts in 


his hand, but of icourse did not produce them. Very likely there 
will be something about it when the four farms come before the 
Court in the Schedule. 

" Giddy has been sat upon by Colonel Crossman. D'Arcy 
was anxious to get an expression from Colonel Crossman about 
the accounts he was responsible for, and laid a formal complaint 
of Giddy's conduct before him — result was a meeting in Colonel 
Grossman's house. Present : Colonel Crossman, Lanyon, Giddy, 
D'Arcy, T. R. Merriman, as a witness, and, I think, one or two 
more. D'Arcy was entirely exonerated from blame. ' But,' says 
Colonel Crossman, ' how is it, Mr. Giddy, that you who were the 
cause of me being sent out should have your own accounts in such 
disorder ? ' And then he used some more hard words, which made 
Giddy appeal to Lanyon if he deserved them. ' Oh, I am in the 
gallery, Mr. Giddy ; I am merely a spectator.' Tom will write 
you all about it, at least he promises, but in case he does not, 
I give you the best account I can. Dick may write. Colonel 
Crossman kept Giddy and D'Arcy back when the others left, 
and asked Giddy how about that case of Mr. Bean ? ' Oh ! ah ! 
yes! there was such a case,' 'Yes, Mr. D'Arcy tells me that 
you supplied Mr. Bean with data from confidential documents so 
that he could bring an action for libel against him. Well, that 
is not the code of honour we' have in the Army.' Giddy was 
further sat upon, and D'Arcy patted on the back. Giddy has 
sold his house to Gordon, to be delivered in three mouths." 

While the Cape Parliament was thus minding its own 
business, without any reference to Confederation, Lord 
Carnarvon had at last been forced to admit that his scheme 
was, for the time at least, impracticable, and he was con- 
templating resignation; but though he was no longer a 
factor in South African politics, Mr. Southey's motion 
naturally drew attention once more to what had passed at 
Kimberley, and some of the letters from Sir Henry Barkly 
certainly show that the Secretary of State did not approach 
his great scheme with sufficient knowledge of the country 
and people. Let us revert to events of 1874. The extra- 
ordinary ignorance of Downing Street was one of the principal 


disadvantages connected with British rule in Southern 
Africa, To assume a virtue, though they had it not, was 
apparently considered necessary. The Secretary of State, 
like the editor of a newspaper, was forced to pretend that 
he knew everything, and it sometimes occurred that the 
cleverer the official was the greater were his blunders. This 
was so in the case of Lord Carnarvon, as the following letter 
indicates. His federation theories were premature, and he 
preferred to trust his own sentimental ideas to taking the 
advice of such men as Mr. Southey. 

''Sir H. Barkly, 20th May, 1874. 

" I am sorry, when all seems going so well, to have to inform 
you of a sad disappointment in the shape of a very unsatisfactory 
Despatch from Lord Carnarvon on the Batlapin afiair, which he 
has completely misapprehended, as you will see from the copy 
which I forward confidentially. Though he formally approves 
all I have done, I don't know that I ever received a more dis- 
heartening communication, its tendency being to unsettle all 
that has been done about the Diamond Fields, etc., for the last 
four years. In fact, the eflfect of its publication would not only 
be to put an end to all chance of arbitration with the Free State, 
but to shake confidence in property in Griqualand West, as it 
not indistinctly alludes to the eventual possibility of throwing 
up the Pi-ovince if the Cape will not annex it ! All this, no 
doubt, comes from a very imperfect acquaintance with the 
history of the past and a very exaggerated view of the difficul- 
ties of the present, the latter derived probably from the Jeremiads 
in the newspapers (not the Cape only, but your own) as to the 
falling in of the Kopje, the state of the finances, etc." 

In the early part of 1878 a serious insurrection of the 
Natives occurred in Griqualand West, and the following 
important letter explains the causes of that unfortunate 
business : — 

" In Laager, Griquatown, 17th June, 1878. 
* My dear Mr. Southey, — I have received your letter of the 
1st inst., and gladly comply with your request for some information 


on matters connected with this country in which you must 
feel deeply interested. First, as to the causes of the present 
condition of affairs. Many theories are held, but I do not think 
that any one of them is in itself sufficient, and I have little doubt 
that it is due to a most unfortunate but fortuitous occurrence of 
things, each of which has irritated the Natives, and which in 
combination have driven them into rebellion. To mention some 
of these, I may say that Lanyon and others hold it to be a war 
of races pure and simple, stirred up by agitators from Kafirland 
and Eastern Griqualand. Roper and others, again, consider it to 
be caused by Warren's action in settling — or not settling — the 
land question. A third theory is that it is brought about by the 
influx of Boers from the Colony direct into the very stronghold 
of the Natives along the Orange Eiver, and the activity of the 
Surveyors in planting beacons, and those who favour this theory 
think that the Boers are really the object of the Natives' fear 
and hatred. A fourth notion is that the shopkeepers, by fleecing 
the Natives, have brought about the present troubles, and the 
attacks on Jackal's Vley and Daniels Kuil are pointed to as 
proof of the correctness of the theory. 

"I am myself disposed to think that each and all of these 
causes have contributed to bring about the rebellion, but that 
we must go further back if we want to And the beginning of 
things, which I believe dates from the sitting of the Land Court 
in 1876. 

" It was, in my opinion— and I believe in yours also — both 
unjust and unreasonable to expect every individual Native to 
appear before that Court with his witnesses. "What steps were 
taken to make them understand that they had to do so I don't 
know ; but even if the necessity for doing so was explained to 
them it was utterly out of the power of most to comply with 
such a demand, and, as might have been foreseen, they did not 
appear. Perhaps they trusted to Waterboer to plead for all of 
them, but Waterboer had more than he could manage in connec- 
tion with his own claims, and you will remember that after the 
Judge had addressed some violent and opprobrious language to 
him from the Bench his counsel threw up their briefs. It is easy 
to imagine that Waterboer left the Court burning with indigna- 
tion. On the 18th May Stockenstrom gave judgment in his and 


other Native cases. To Waterboer he assigned three farms, and 
the claims of 1 1 6 natives were summarily disallowed, the claimants 
not having appeared or tendered evidence (Schedule 36). This, 
I think, sufficiently accounts for Native disaffection. Waterboer 
took to deep drinking, and it is not unreasonable to suppose that 
his disappointed followers urged him on in a wrong course. Eoper, 
a man of the highest sense of duty, but unacquainted with Native 
affairs, was appointed the first Resident Magistrate here, and on 
Waterboer interfering with his authority in some matter he 
arrested him and lodged him in gaol. This insult was not likely 
to mend matters, and it appears that in September or October 
last Waterboer was distributing arms and powder by night to 
some of his people, Kafirs as well as Griquas, and amongst others 
to Piet Jonas, a Kafir, who led the attack on Jackal's Vley. 

" Just at this time Warren called on all Natives whose cases 
had not been heard by the Land Court to lodge their claims 
with Roper, with such evidence as they could bring in support 
of them, and more than 100 cases were so heard, the Natives 
coming at great trouble and expense from the furthest limits 
of the Province. In December these people were told that their 
claims could not be entertained, and this, in Roper's opinion, 
brought about the rebellion. Meetings were held at the River, 
at Daniels Kuil, Blink Klip, and Witteberg, and in February a 
large meeting was held at Driefontein — close to Griquatown — 
at which, ostensibly, it was resolved to send a deputation to 
the Queen, but at which very different decisions were secretly 
come to. 

" While these land matters were thus irritating the Griquas 
and Kaffirs, other influences were at work to widen the area 
of disaffection and to increase its intensity. In December, 1877, 
Lanyon made his expedition to Pokwane to bring Gasibone to 
account. Now this was really a hostile invasion of foreign 
territory, and the taking of 500 cattle, not the personal property 
of Gasibone but of his people, whom we profess to regard as the 
subjects of Mankoroane, was in Kafir eyes an act of war which 
not only permitted but demanded reprisals. 

" The whole country from the Orange River to the extreme 
Northern boundary was thus in readiness to break out, and a 
spark to fire the train was all that was wanted. 

" Just at this time Piet Jones, a Kafir, to whom I have 



ali'eady refen-ed, gob into trouble. He actually had a house 
built, and thinking, or being persuaded, that the contractor 
had cheated him, he refused to pay his bill. Of course, he 
•was sued in Roper's Court, where judgment was given against 
him. Against this judgment he was persuaded to appeal, and 
Roper's judgment was sustained by the High Court. A bill 
of £80 costs was then presented to him, and to pay this he 
pledged his waggon, on which a shopkeeper lent him £80, 
taking his bill at three months for £110, so that the charge 
for the 'accommodation' was just 150 per cent. When the 
bill was due, Jonas could not meet it, and he went to another 
shopkeeper, Van Druten, who lent him £110, taking over the 
waggon, and making him sign another bill at one month for 
£130, so that for this second accommodation he had to pay 
over 200 per cent. ! 

" Before the troubles of Piet Jonas reached their climax — 
I shall come back to him — Roper received information that a 
man named Walton (since killed), a farmer and shopkeeper on 
the river, had driven Kafirs off his land with violence, burning 
their huts and destroying their gai'dens and property. He sent 
his police down to make inquiry and arrest Walton, but they 
could find no evidence on which to proceed, the Kafirs having 

" On the 10th AprU news came that a Boer named De 
Klerck living near the river had been attacked, his son 
wounded, and some of his stock driven off. This was the first 
overt act ; and if, as is supposed, a general rising was pre- 
meditated, we can see the policy of beginning at the extreme 
southern boundary, so that, by the available force being drawn 
to that point, the rest of the country might be left unprotected. 

"Operations were commenced against the Kafirs who had 
molested De Klerck, and transport being required. Van Druten 
hired to the Government the waggon of Piet Jonas which he 
held in pawn. 

"Piet Jonas saw his waggon thus employed, and became 
furious. Angry demands for his property appear to have been 
met by exorbitant demands for further interest on the bill at 
one month, then overdue, and at last Piet Jonas said that, 
having tried fair means in vain, he would now come with one 
ox (himself) and take it by force. On the 9 th of May Jackal's 


Vley was sacked. Low was killed, and the natives — Griquas, 
Kafirs, Korannas, and Bushmen — took the field. 

" This is, I believe, a true and correct account of the events 
which preceded the outbreak, and it is compiled partly from 
Official Records which Lanyon requested rae to examine, and 
partly from information supplied by Government officers, with 
Lanyon's sanction, and by private individuals. 


" There is not one word of truth in the alleged atrocities and 
refusal of quarter at Driefontein. Those who wished to run 
away did so, and those who, like Piet Jonas, determined to fight 
it out to the bitter end were killed or wounded in action. The 
wounded were attended to on the field, and then removed with 
care to the hospital here. 

"A matter which I have urged on Lanyon seems to be of 
such primary importance, and to be so loudly called for by every 
consideration of reason and policy, as well as of justice and 
mercy, that I am amazed at no such action having been taken 
a month ago. We all know that outbreaks of this kind are the 
work of a few misguided and violent men, and that they are 
blindly followed by the ignorant, the timid, and the weak. Is 
it — can it be — just or merciful or wise or politic to shut the 
gates against all alike, and to pursue the whole Native population 
with fire and sword ? Even if no other considerations are 
admitted, the unwisdom of such a course is demonstrated by 
a glance at the map. 

" Finally, I think that, in sheer justice and honesty, the 
land question must be re-opened in some way. If these 100 
or 200 men have a righteous claim, we must not evade it because 
they have not complied with legal formalities with which they 
were unacquainted, or because they were betrayed or neglected 
by their former chief. 

" Ever yours sincerely, 

"John B. Currey.' 

Parliament was prorogued on the 2nd August, 1878, 
when Sir Bartle Frere, referring to Federatitn, declared that 


" passing events teach us the need of union, and on the eve 
of an appeal to the country the Government desires to com- 
mend the great question of a United South Africa to the 
earnest attention of the constituencies of the country." Mr. 
Southey in politics was eminently an apostle of common 
sense, and took no prominent part in any affair in which he 
could not see his way distinctly. Subjects in nubihus never 
claimed his affection nor attention. We therefore do not 
find him championing Lord Carnarvon and Mr. Froude's 
premature theories. 

In Parliament Mr. Southey was content always in his 
place to do his best for the interests of the Colony, never 
obtrusively speaking unless he thoroughly knew his subject 
and could say something apropos and instructive. He was 
more an administrator than an orator, and much more a 
practical man than a theorist. At his age, after filling 
great offices, he wisely considered, as Mr. Porter evidently 
did, that the time for retirement had come. His public 
political career ended with the Parliamentary Session of 

Mr. Southey in retirement took the utmost interest in 
public affairs, but there is very little room left for references 
to his military services in the Cape Town Volunteer Artil- 
lery, or to subjects in which he was interested — such as 
those of Freemasonry and the establishment of " The Church 
of South Africa." 

Mr. Southey's views on Zulu affairs were not at all in 
accord with those of Sir Bartle Frere. Writing so far back 
as 2nd April, 1874, Dr. Colenso says — 

"It is refreshing to find that there is at least one statesman 
in South Africa who looks at the late proceedings from an 
English point of view, with all the advantage of long and inti- 
mate experience of Kafir affairs. I have supported the Shep- 
stonian system hitherto on precisely the same grounds as your- 
self, not as a jpermanent system, but merely as a transitional one, 
because I had the most unbounded confidence in the firmness 


and love of justice and fair play of Mr. Shepstone, who, I need 
hardly say, has been for twenty years the dearest friend I had 
in Natal. Alas ! my idol has gone to the ground. The recent 
proceedings, up to the very moment when I write, have been one 
continued series of acts of the grossest injustice and foul play." 

So far as federation was concerned, Mr. Soiithey's views 
were evidently those of his old chief and friend, Sir P. E. 
Wodehouse, who, writing on March 27th, 1879, says — 

*' Lord Carnarvon, you will see, still clings to federation, 
which will hardly be brought about in our days, and which, if 
it does come, will bring ruin to the Natives. It is really melan- 
choly to look at the destruction of the good done in past years. 
Sir G. Grey's settlement of Adam Kok's people ; my arrange- 
ment with the Basutos and the Fingoes ; perfect quiet in British 
Kaffraria and Kafirland ; our Frontier Police equal to all we 
wanted — and now everything upset. If the Basutos should go 
against us bodily it will be proof of the greatest mismanagement. 
As for Morosi, he never was anything but an unmitigated cattle- 
stealing marauder. He was more or less a thorn in old Moshesh's 
side, and I remember telling him at his own place that he might 
do as he pleased about coming over to us, but that if he gave 
trouble he should be smashed, which could easily have been done 
by the Basutos and the Police." 

On the 3rd August, 1879, Sir J. C. Cowell, writing from 
Windsor Castle, says — 

" Since Cetewayo's capture we have heard a good deal of 
speculation as to his future. ... I wish I could say that South 
Africa is in favour of taking away his liberty for the security 
of loyal subjects. We should, in my opinion, have a large and 
well-trained force for many years on the frontiers of the Trans- 
vaal and Zululand, with strong ports all along the Natal border. 
I often think of the blunder made in Sir G. Clerk's day by 
driving the Boers into a Republican form of Government, and 
of a large device of welcome to Prince Alfred at Bloemfontein 
inscribed ' loyal though discarded.' It was a bitter satire on 
our policy, and I felt ashamed of the principle which i*endered 


the complaint so just. . . . We are hoping to be within speaking 
distance of you very soon by the telegraph cable, and this will 
effect more good in effecting a public understanding with Mother 
and Child than anything that we can imagine." 

Mr. William Downes Griffith (formerly Attorney-General 
of the Cape Colony), writing from 8, Old Square, Lincoln's 
Inn, London, 24th July, 1880, says — 

" When I offered an opinion on the policy of Sir Battle Frere 
on the matter of the Zulu War, I did so with the greatest diffi- 
dence, and only on the supposition that it was morally certain 
that the Zulus were going to attack us as soon as they had made 
themselves ready to do so, and that he. Sir Bartle, had means of 
assurance on this point. If that was not sure I agree entirely 
with you that it was wrong and unjust to set on them, and I 
have too great a respect for your judgment to suppose that 
I here, without any but casual knowledge of what goes on in 
South Africa, could form anything like so sound an opinion on 
the facts out there as you, my old Chief, can do. I therefore, in 
this respect, submit entirely, and if you tell me Frere was wrong, 
I can only believe he was so. ... I entirely agree with you 
about the disarmament of the Basutos. I think it is a scandalous 
thing to disarm against their will the men who have never used 
their arms but in your favom", and is a means by which you are 
very likely to induce them to use them against you, and serve 
you right if they do. ... I see, my old boy, you have not gone 
back to Parliament. Old Mol, I see, has gone back for Victoria 
West. I thought he would find it dull being out. I must* say 
I admired, and do admire, Saul a great deal more than I ever 
did Mol. Good-bye, dear old boy. I should like to have a chat 
with you again. 

" Ever yours sincerely, 

"William Downes Griffith." 

Sir J. C. Cowell, 9th September, 1881, says — 

" The Prince of Wales has desired me to convey to you the 
expression of his thanks for your great kindness in having taken 
so much interest in the construction and despatch of the Cape 
cart which he has received in safety from you." 

•^y.tyL' ,^ .Z^rm //if'iy - (/fj^M c^C'. 


Mr. Southey lived on in his happy and peaceful retire- 
ment near Wynberg, and at last came the far too tardy, but 
not quite too late, recognition of the services of one of the 
most loyal and honest statesmen who ever served the Queen 
in South Africa. 

On the 29th May, 1891, Governor Sir Henry Loch writes 
as follows : — 

" My dear Mr. Southey, — I have just received a telegram 
from the Secretary of State that Her Majesty has been graciously 
pleased to promote you to the honour of K.C.M.G. Your services 
to the country will make every one rejoice that you have received 
this recognition, although I wish that it had been bestowed many 
years ago — except for the pleasure it gives me to be the medium 
of conveying to you on this occasion the Queen's pleasure. 

" Yours very truly, 

" Henry B. Loch." 

On Monday, 22nd July, 1901, Sir Eichard Southey 
breathed his last. Dying at the unusually old age of ninety- 
three, he quite outlived the contemporaries of his long^ 
useful, and honourable career. By all classes and conditions 
of men he was respected, and his picture in the Civil Service 
Club, Cape Town, conveys to a new generation the lineaments 
of a good old Conservative Civil servant, who faithfully and 
ably served his Queen and country. 

The funeral, which took place at St. John's Cemetery, 
Wynberg, on the 23rd July, 1902, was attended by many 
venerable colonists who, in common with their deceased 
comrade, had endured the toil and hardship of pioneering. 
Representatives from all classes were present, and the pall- 
bearers were Sir Gordon Sprigg, Messrs. J. B. Currey, C. J. 
Manuel, Harry Home, H. M, H. Orpen, Henry De Smidt, and 
Colonel Eustace. 

The following resume of domestic history supplied by 
the family concludes the biography of one of the most 
unassuming, honest, and able Englishmen who ever helped to 


build up the Empire in the Colonies. It repeats several 
facts already mentioned, but it is thought better to publish it 
without any abbreviation. 


" The first record we have of the Southey family is in 1.545, 
in the person of Johannes Southey, who had two grandsons. 
John, the eldest, went to America ; the youngest, Robert, married 
Anne Locke, and had a son named Thomas, born in 1696. 
Thomas had two sons, from the eldest of whom the Southey 
families at the Cape are descended, the youngest being the poet's 
father. John, son of the eldest of these two Southeys, and there- 
fore cousin to the poet, married Elizabeth Potter and had a 
large family, consisting of seven sons and one daughter ; the 
eldest son, George, married Joan Baker, and came to the Cape in 
1820 with a party of settlers, bringing with him from Devonshire 
five sons and two daughters. The youngest, named Carron, died on 
the way out, but the following landed in South Africa : William, 
Richard, George, and Henry, and the two daughters, Sophia and 
Elizabeth ; the former subsequently married Joseph Sterk, and 
the latter became Mrs. C. Powell, whose daughter is the wife of 
the Hon. John Frost, C.M.G., Secretary for Agriculture in the 
present Cape Government. 

" Sir Richard was twice married, first, in 1830, to Isabella 
Shaw (a connection of the Gilbert A'Beckett family), by whom 
he had five sons who reached the age of manhood, viz. Charles, 
William, John Henry Oliver, William Robert (who died young), 
Richard George, and Juan Smith ; of these Charles and William 
are progressive and successful farmers in the Middelburg 
District, Cape Colony, and the former has had conferred on him 
the Order of St. Michael and St. George for services rendered 
during the Boer War, 1899-1902. 

"John Henry, who became a Government Land Surveyor, 
died in 1876. Richard George entered the Imperial Army in 
1864, served with his regiment (the Lincolnshire) at home and 
abroad until 1878, when he returned to the Colony to take up 
a position in the Cape Colonial Forces, with which he has been 
connected ever since, and as Colonel has had conferred on him 
the Orders of Companion of the Bath and St. Michael and St. 


George, besides four war medals. Juan, who joined the Cape 
Civil Service, died unmarried. Sir Richard's first wife died in 
1869. His second marriage took place in November, 1872, 
with Susan, daughter of J. D. Krynauw, Esq., a member of 
one of the oldest Dutch families of the Colony. She prede- 
ceased him in 1890. 

" By this marriage he has left one daughter, Helena Georgina, 
and one son, Cecil Henry. The latter, who has recently come of 
age, has been through a course of study at the Agricultural 
College with the intention of taking up farming as his occupation 
in life." 

In Froude's " Short Studies " he describes a brief visit to 
Kimberley in 1874, and thus refers to Sir Eichard Southey : 
" The Governor himself is one of the most remarkable men 
in South Africa. He won his spurs in the Kafir war of 
1834" He then goes on briefly to review his career, and 
ends by saying that his policy was " to check the encroach- 
ments of the Transvaal Republic, and extend the Empire 
internally." This Mr. Froude declares was — 

" the one mistake of his life. Being without a force of any kind, 
he could only control the Republics by the help of the Native 
Chiefs, and the coercion of the Republics in any way became 
impossible from the moment that the control of the Cape Colony 
was passed over to its own people. Otherwise, I have rarely met 
a man I have more admired. Mr. Southey is over seventy. He 
drove me one day over seventy miles in a cart with as wild a 
team as I ever sat behind, and he went to a party in the evening. 
I said to myself as I looked at him, ' If some one came in and 
told you that you were to be taken out and shot in five minutes, 
you would finish what you were about with perfect deliberation, 
and not a muscle of your face would alter.' " 

One of the chief characteristics of Sir Richard Southey, 
one of his brothers says, was " determination." " When 
undertaking anything there was no halting or half-measures. 
Another leading feature of his character was ' self-control.' " 
The most severe attacks never succeeded in disturbing his 


equilibrium. This close observer very correctly adds, "As 
a debater in Parliament he was not brilliant, yet his speeches 
were well arranged, and moreover carried conviction, for the 
reason it was known that he never uttered anything tainted 
by falsehood." 




IN the year 1828 a tribe of Natives, denominated the "Fet- 
cani," was reported to be advancing from a north-easterly 
direction upon the Kafir tribes occupying the country between 
the Kei and Umrimvoboo (St. John's) Rivers, driving or de- 
stroying all before them, and the Government of this Colony, 
fearing that unless the Fetcani tribe was checked and driven 
back, the Kafirs occupying the country beyond our eastern 
frontier would be driven into the Colony, determined to send 
all Imperial troops that were at hand into the country where 
the Fetcanis were, to perform that duty. This necessitated a 
call for volunteers to perform military duties at the several out- 
posts during the absence of the troops, and I was among those 
who responded to that call — armed, mounted, and equipped 
without expense to Government — and performed military duties 
at Fort Beaufort until the return of the troops. 

In December, 1834, the whole eastern frontier of this Colony 
was invaded by the Kafirs, and the services of all colonists 
capable of bearing arms was needed to repel them. I joined, 
at first, a party going out in hopes of rendering assistance to 
some of our people living at a distance of about twenty-five miles 
from Grahamstown. We found the dead bodies of three of 
these — also fell in with some of the enemy. 

Next I joined a volunteer corps designated "the Albany 
Mounted Sharpshooters," and was at once elected to a lieu- 
tenancy in it. A few days afterwards, when on early morning 
parade, the officer commanding informed the corps that a report 
had been received that the military post at Gwalana (now a 
portion of the district of Paddie) was surrounded by the enemy, 


and the troops stationed there unable, in consequence, to obey 
the order sent them to retire on Kafir Drift Post, and he called 
for twelve volunteers to go to their assistance. Thirteen im- 
mediately rode to the front and expressed willingness to go. 
Of these I was one. We soon got our orders, viz. to go first 
to Kafir Drift and endeavour to force our way through the Fish 
River " bush " from there, and if impracticable, then to go by a 
round-about course, vid Trompeter's Drift, which would certainly 
have been more difficult if opposed. 

On arrival at Kafir Drift we found the Gwalana people there, 
and after a halt of two or three days awaiting the arrival of 
waggons to carry women, children, etc., returned to Grahams- 

After a few days a strong patrol of about 300 men, under 
command of Major Cox, C.M.R.'s, was ordered out, the A.M.S. 
Shooters forming part, and when well on our way we learned 
that our destination was, first to go and destroy the villages 
of the Kafir Chief Eno, and from there, vid Fort Wilshire, to 
the Gaika Chief Tyalie's and do the same. These duties were 
accomplished with few casualties on our side and not very 
many of the enemy killed. 

The next thing in which I took part was with a still stronger 
force sent to reconnoitre the stronghold of the enemy in the 
Fish River bush, between Committees' and Trompeter's Drifts, 
on the eastern bank of the Great Fish River. This expedition 
was under command of Colonel England of the 75th Regiment. 
The main object of this expedition was to obtain information 
as to the whereabouts and the strength of the enemy, but we 
had some fighting also. 

The enemy having been found to be in considerable force 
here, and their position a very strong one, it was determined 
to endeavour to dislodge them. For this purpose all the forces 
available — troops, volunteers, burghers, and Native levies, were 
ordered to the front ; the Cape Mounted Rifles and some other 
mounted men, under Colonel Somerset, to near where the town 
of Peddie now is. Another column, under command of Colonel 
England, to Committees' Drift, and the remainder to Trompeter's 
Drift, there to be joined by Colonel Smith in command of the 
whole. It was now determined to make a combined movement, 
and to attack the stronghold from several points at the same 


time, and the first difficulty that arose was to find guides to lead 
the several columns to their respective positions. I was asked 
if I could name men qualified for the duty, and answered in the 
affirmative, and in a few minutes the needful number were told 
ofi" for it, I undertaking to guide the headquarter column. A 
time was fixed when each column should reach their respective 
positions. We were delayed several days owing to the river 
being in a state of flood, but as soon as the water was low enough 
we left camp one night as soon as the moon rose (between 
10 and 11 p.m.), and I led the column along cattle or foot paths, 
across the river, and up the dense bush-covered heights on the 
opposite side, towards a point where we were to join the 
column under Colonel England, During a short halt Colonel 
Smith came to the front and asked me if I thought I could 
manage to form a Corps of Guides, composed of men who knew 
the Kafir country well enough to be able to lead detachments 
of our force to any part deemed necessary, and said that if I 
could I should be appointed to command it, with rank and pay 
of captain. I undertook to do this, and we continued our 
march, fell in with Colonel England's column at the place 
arranged for it, and soon after halted for daylight, when opera- 
tions commenced ; and there was hot fighting during the day. 
We lost some men and killed some of the enemy, also captured 
some cattle. Early next morning a mounted party from Colonel 
Somerset's camp came in and reported that the enemy had left 
their stronghold in the bush and retired further back into their 
own country. They knew this by the large number of " spoor " 
of men and cattle they had fallen in with on their way. Colonel 
Smith doubted the accuracy of this report, and directed me 
to take two of my men and go and examine the spoor. This was 
a most dangerous undertaking, for I had to ride along the edge 
of the Fish River bush (where the enemy had been in great 
force the day before) to a distance of about fifteen miles, and 
to return again, with only two men, but the duty was performed. 
We now fell back on our several positions, and Colonel 
Smith proceeded to Grahamstown to report to the Governor 
and Commander-in-Chief, Sir Benjamin D'Urban, who had 
arrived there, and it was soon decided to invade Kafirland from 
several points, and I was now attached to the headquarter staff 
to perform the duty of guide to the Commander-in-Chief. My 


Corps of Guides, about forty strong, was soon formed, did duty 
until the end of the war, and was often favourably mentioned 
in General Orders. 

Now commenced the invasion of Kafirland, and there was 
hard fighting along the mountainous and bush-covered country 
about the sources of the Keiskama and Buflfalo Rivers and 
thence to the Kei, but we succeeded in capturing large herds 
of cattle, and ultimately in driving the enemy across the Kei, 
where we followed him. And as we were pressing on towards 
the stronghold of Hintza, the great Chief of the Kafir tribes, 
he sent a message expressive of a wish to come to terms, and 
was invited to a personal interview with the Commander-in-Chief. 
After the lapse of a few days he came in, accompanied by his 
eldest son, Kreli, a brother named Bookoo, and some councillors, 
and terms were agreed to by which Hintza bound himself to 
pay a large number of cattle within a given period ; but he 
urged that it would be needful for us to retire across the Kei, 
as his people would be afraid to come with the cattle while 
we were in force in their country. This was agreed to, and 
we retired to about where the "Kei Road" village now is, 
Hintza, with his son and the others, remaining with us as 
hostages, pending the delivery of the cattle. 

The time passed, and no cattle came ; for which Hintza's 
excuse was that his people were afraid to come, but if he were 
allowed to go in person he would soon collect the required 
number ; and ultimately it was arranged that he should go, 
accompanied by a considerable force under command of Colonel 
Smith ; Kreli, Bookoo, and two of the privileged councillors 
remaining as hostages with us. I may mention that all these 
hostages while in our camp were regarded as being in charge 
of myself, as Captain of the Corps of Guides, aided by some 
sentries from Imperial troops. 

The expedition under Colonel Smith, with Hintza and some 
councillors, started, recrossed the Kei, proceeded to the Bashee 
River and across it, Hintza being allowed now and again to 
send one of his councillors away with messages to his people, 
as he said, directing them to bring in the required number 
of cattle, but more likely the instructions were to collect a large 
force at a given place, while he led our unsuspecting force to 
their vicinity. Hintza was allowed to ride a fine horse, in high 


conditiou, and to carry liis assegais. No one but the commander 
of the expedition, Colonel Smith, was equally well mounted. 
Consequently, when ascending a bush-covered steep hill along 
a narrow path, Colonel Smith riding in front, the Guides next, 
walking, and leading their horses, Hintza with them, he rode, 
when nearing the top of the hill, to the Colonel's side as if going 
to talk to him, then all at once started off at full speed. Colonel 
Smith took pistols from his holsters and snapped them, but both 
being unloaded no damage was done. He then put spurs to his 
horse, rode to Hintza's side, and catching him by the 'collar 
dragged him from his horse. He fell heavily, but immediately 
rose to his feet and ran towards a gully on his left. While this 
was going on, Lieutenant G. Southey of the Guides, and Lieu- 
tenant Balfour, Aide-de-Camp to Colonel Smith, managed to 
come up with them. Southey dismounted, and after calling to 
Hintza to stop, without effect, fired at him, hitting him on one 
side near the arm-pit. Hintza fell, but rose again and renewed 
the running. Southey fired again, and struck him on the leg. 
He fell again, but as before jumped up again and recommenced 
running, and while Southey was reloading his gun managed 
to get under cover into the gully. Southey and Balfour followed, 
and on getting to the rocky bottom, where there was a rivulet, 
they separated, one going up, the other down the stream. Southey 
had not gone far when he heard something scratch against a 
large piece of rock close to him, and in a moment he saw Hintza's 
head and his right hand with an assegai in it just ready to stab 
him, on which he raised his gun and shot the wily chief through 
the head, killing him at once. If he had hesitated a moment 
he himself would have been the dead man, as the assegai was 
within a foot or two of his body. 

R. Southey. 




OBSERVING by the further correspondence respecting the 
affairs of South Africa (presented to both Houses of Par- 
liament by command of Her Majesty) that His Excellency the 
Governor had found that the records of the Colony were deficient 
in information, especially in regard to Kreli and his Galekas, and 
notably the terms under which they were permitted to re-occupy 
a portion of the territory between the Kei and Bashee Rivers,, 
and that in consequence of this want of recorded information, 
Mr. Brownlee, late Secretary for Native Affairs, had been re- 
quested to draw up an historical sketch of Kreli's political 
position, I venture to offer a few remarks upon the subject which 
may perhaps tend to the discovery of recorded information not 
yet brought to the Governor's notice. 

2. According to Mr. Brownlee's "Historical Sketch," dated 
1st November, 1877, it appears that he laboured under the 
impression that the Galekas were not implicated in the wars 
of 1834-35 and 1846-47, further than by affording shelter and 
protection to the Gaikas and others who were engaged in those 
wars, and that when our forces crossed the Kei into the Galeka 
country during those wars, it was in pursuit of the Gaikas, and 
not to wage war with the Galekas. 

3. I lean to the opinion that Mr. Brownlee's impression on 
this subject is erroneous, and that if the Records of the Colony 
be again searched, they will furnish conclusive information to 
that effect. 

4. The documents in which information on this subject will 
be easiest to find will be the Despatches of the Governors at 
the time — Sir Benjamin D'Urban's Despatches, 1834-5-6 ; Sir 


Peregrine ^Maitland's of 1846 and the early part of 1847 ; and 
Sir Henry Pottinger's later in 1847. 

5. These Governors (the two first of whom were also Com- 
manders of the Forces) satisfied themselves, I think, that Hintza 
first, and afterwards Kreli, and their people, were not less 
implicated in the wars of the periods than were the Gaikas, 
T'Slambies, and others who occupied territory nearer our 

6. When, in 1835, Sir B. D'Urban resolved to cross the Kei 
with the force under his immediate command, he made publicly 
known his reasons for so doing, and the object he had in view. 
This occurred on the right bank of the Kei near the Waggon 
Drift, and the documents then published will doubtless have 
formed annexures to his first Despatch thereafter. Those papers 
and the "General Orders" will furnish information on these 

7. Some three months before the ivar hroJce out (in December, 
1836) Hintza removed from his ordinary residence near Butter- 
worth to " the Amava," being influenced thereto (as it was 
understood) by the Chiefs who were to be more actively engaged 
against us, in order to be in a position to co-operate with them 
more effectually than he could do if he remained at Butterworth, 
and also to render it more difficult for us to find him if we 
desired to do so. 

8. After crossing the Kei the force halted for a few days 
at " the Springs," proceeded thence to the vicinity of Butter- 
worth, and again halted for some days. 

9. During this time messages were sent by the Governor 
to Hintza, conveying demands upon him, particulars of which 
will doubtless be found in the Despatches to the Secretary of 
State written at the time. 

10. No satisfactory response being made by Hintza, the 
Govex-nor moved with his force in the direction of the " Amava," 
and halted again near the T'Somo. 

11. During this march northward portions of the force were 
detached and sent in different directions to examine the country, 
ascertain where the enemy could be met with, and operate 
ascainst him as occasion might offer. 

12. One of these detachments, under the command of Colonel 
Smith, then Chief of the Staff and second in command, approached 


so near to Hintza's hiding-place as to show him that he was not 
safe there. 

13. Being thus pressed, he ventured upon trying what was to 
be done by diplomacy, and sent word that he would come to the 
Governor's camp to enter into arrangements for a satisfactory 
settlement of affairs. 

14. He came accordingly, accompanied by his son Kreli, his 
brother Buku, and others, and was met some miles from the 
Governor's camp by Colonel Smith and a small escort, who 
accompanied him to the Governor. 

15. Negotiations were now entered upon, and concluded 
by an agreement with Hintza, that within a certain number 
of days he should pay and deliver over a given number of horned 
cattle, and that until the cattle were handed over he and his 
son and Buku should remain as hostages in our camp, he being 
at liberty to send away as many of his other followers as he 
chose with orders to his under-chiefs to bring in the cattle. 

16. Days elapsed, and no cattle came in. This Hintza 
represented to be in consequence of the presence of our force 
in the country, and induced the Governor to hope (if not believe) 
that if the force were withdrawn the cattle would be brought. 

17. Influenced partly by this representation, but more, I 
fancy, by the want of sympathy and support on the part of the 
Imperial Government in his arduous and difiicult position, the 
Governor re-crossed the Kei and encamped for a day or two 
on its right bank. 

18. Here His Excellency again promulgated information by 
means of Proclamations and General Orders, announcing what 
had been done ; and he formally took possession of the territory 
west of the Kei River, annexing it to the British dominions 
under the title of the " Province of Queen Adelaide." 

19. Still Hintza's agreement to deliver cattle remained un- 
fulfilled — none came in — and the wily old chief now attributed 
it to his absence from his tribe. If he were allowed to go back 
to his people the cattle would be forthcoming at once. 

20. Upon this, and on the urgent solicitations of Colonel 
Smith, Sir B. D'Urban was induced to permit the Colonel to 
take about half of the force, and accompany the Chief back into 
his country to collect the cattle ; the understanding being that 
if Hintza were unable to compel his people to obey his orders to 


deliver up the stock, he should lead our force to where the cattle 
were, and we should seize them, he himself continuing to remain 
with the foi'ce as a hostage until the fulfilment of his agreement 
was accomplished. Kreli, Buku, and others were also to remain 
with the Governor as hostages. 

21. Instead of acting up to this arrangement, Hintza led our 
troops through a country where the cattle were not ; moi-e than 
once endeavoured to draw them into an ambush where his people 
were in great force, and, failing to accomplish this design, took 
advantage of what he supposed to he a favourable opportunity 
to endeavour to make his escape, in attempting which violent 
and further breach of faith he lost his life. When the Governor 
became aware of Hintza's death, he released Kreli from his 
position as a hostage on his undertaking to carry ovit his father's 
engagements. This occurred at Fort Warden, as mentioned by 
Mr. Brownlee ; but Buku and two or three others were detained 
as hostages, and subsequently taken by me to Grahamstown, 
where they remained in my charge for some time. Ultimately, 
although Kreli had not fulfilled his engagements, Sir Benjamin 
decided upon releasing the hostages, and I, by His Excellency's 
directions, accompanied them to the neighbourhood of Fort 
Warden, and there permitted them to cross the Kei into their 
own country. 

22. Full information upon these points may be found in 
Sir B. D'Urban's Despatches, and more particularly in one 
written after a Court of Inquiry had sat at Fort Willshire by 
dii-ection of the Secretary of State for the Colonies, to investigate 
and report upon the circumstances connected with the death 
of Hintza. 

23. I have written so much upon the subjects hereinbefore 
alluded to, because it seems to me that Mr. Brownlee's memo- 
randum implies, to say the least, that we invaded the Galeka 
territory during the wars of 1835 and 1846 without sufficient 
justification; which, added to another allegation in the same 
memorandum that in 1 847 we seized upon a considerable extent 
of land west of the Kei River, therefore belonging to Kreli, 
would, if strictly accurate, tend to show that the Galekas had 
been unjustly treated, and had real and substantial grounds 
of complaint against us. 

24. I have a personal knowledge of many of the circumstances 


referred to, and entertain opinions very different, but, perhaps, 
inasfar as the war of 1835 is concerned, the opinion of the then 
Secretary of State for the Colonies (Lord Glenelg), formed after 
he had received the report of the Court of Inquiry before 
mentioned, will best show the true state of the case. His 
Lordship had entertained very strong opinions adverse to that 
I am now about to quote, but he was constrained to admit, after 
the x'esults of the inquiry became known to him, that — 

" with regard to the case of the Chief Hintza, I am happy to state 
that the information now transmitted clears up the doubts and 
difficulties which, in my Despatch of the 2Gth December, 1835, 
I described as connected with that subject. It is, I think, now 
established that, if not the fomenter of that invasion, that chief 
was at least engaged in a secret conspiracy with the authors, 
and was availing himself of such advantages as it afforded him. 
On himself, therefore, rests the responsibility for the calamity in 
which he and his people were involved by the contest." 

25. As regards the land west of the Kei, alleged to have 
belonged to Kreli prior to the issue of the Proclamation in 
December, 1847, extending our boundaries to that river, I am 
disposed to think that there were no well-defined boundaries 
between the several tribes of Kafirs. We had been in the habit 
of regarding the Kei Piiver as the dividing line between the 
Galekas on the one side and the T'Slambies and Gaikas on 
the other ; but among the Kafirs the jurisdiction of the Chiefs 
was rather personal than territorial. Some members of the 
Galeka tribe resided west of the Kei, and some of the T'Slambies 
and Gaikas east of that river. Be that as it may, the Proclama- 
tion was issued at the close of a war in which the T'Slambies, 
Gaikas, and Galekas had alike been engaged against us, and 
we had then a perfect right to dictate what the future boundaries 
of those tribes should be, as well as our own. 

26. The mere issue of the Proclamation did not, as Mr. 
Brownlee assumes it did, make Kreli's people British subjects. 
They were at perfect liberty to cross the Kei and reside within 
their own territory. The loss of the land to the tribe, if it 
really belonged to it, was one of the results of a war unprovoked 
by us and waged against us by them. 

27. I had not much personal concern with the war of 1846, 
bub I feel assured that Sir Peregrine Maitland, our then 


Governor, had ample proof of the complicity of the Galekas 
therein, and that a reference to his Despatches will satisfy any 
inquirer that the tribe participated in that war, as they had 
done in the war of 1835. 

28. The next war began in December, 1850, and Mr. 
Brownlee says Kreli was " a consenting party " to it. I consider 
him to have been something more than " a consenting party," 
and shovild be surprised if the Despatches of Sir Harry Smith 
and Sir George Cathcart did not furnish sufficient evidence to 
prove it. 

29. The fact is, and at the present time in particular it 
should not be disguised, that Hintza, as head of the Galeka tribe 
and Chief Paramount of Kaffraria, and after him his son Kreli 
in the same capacity, possessed immense influence for evil over 
the Kafirs generally, and used that influence to the utmost 
against us, 

30. The results of the war of 1850 were to some extent 
unfavourable to the aims of Kreli and his coadjutors of the 
Gaika and T'Slambie tribes, but they did not abandon all hope 
of ultimately conquering us, and soon entered upon another 
conspiracy which they anticipated would be more successful. 

31. This conspiracy, which began to develop itself during 
1856, was a miserable failure, and although it did not involve 
us in actual war with the Kafirs, it was more disastrous to them 
than any or all of the wars had been. Excited to an extra- 
ordinary degree of infatuation by their so-styled " Prophets," 
they were induced to destroy their cattle and other means of 
subsistence. Thousands died of starvation, while some forty or 
fifty thousand of them were encouraged and assisted by our 
Government to enter the Colony, and spread over it among the 
farming population as servants to save their lives. 

32. The information possessed by the Governor (Sir George 
Grey) satisfied him that this mischief originated in a conspiracy 
by the Chiefs, of whom Kreli was the head and principal, whose 
object it was to reduce all the people to such a state as would 
ensure united action among them against the Colony. It is not 
easy to comprehend how they satisfied themselves that the means 
resorted to would accomplish that end, but so it was ; as I have 
said, the result was a great failure. 

33. Sir George Grey had from the commencement of his 


service as Governor felt that if wars were to be avciided it was 
necessary to reduce the power and influence of the Cliiefs, and 
to raise the mass of the people from their position of abject 
dependence upon their Chief's will. Her Majesty's Government 
had authorized him to expend £40,000 a year on measures 
having these objects in view, and he went vigorously to work 
upon them. The Chiefs soon perceived that their power was 
being undermined, and this, it is presumed, gave rise to the 
conspiracy which the gross superstition of their people enabled 
them to carry to so damaging an end. 

34. Kreli was warned by Sir (Jeorge Grey that his conduct 
was watched, and that he and his people would be made to 
sujffer for their evil deeds if they did nob discontinue them. He 
paid no heed to the warning, neither abandoned his hostile 
intentions towards us, and in consequence the Governor deter- 
mined to expel him and his people from the country between 
the Kei and Bashee, and force them over the latter river, where 
they might remain in subordination to Moni and other Chiefs, 
their existence as an independent tribe being considered to be 
too dangerous to the Colony to be permitted to continue. 

35. As soon as this decision was arrived at, the necessary 
measures were adopted for carrying it speedily into effect. Sir 
Walter Currie, Commandant of the Armed and Mounted Police, 
received instructions to assemble a large body of his force in 
the vicinity of Queenstown, to invite the co-operation of armed 
burghers, and of such Natives, Tambookies, and Fingoes as he 
thought fit, and with them to accomplish the task. The Civil 
Commissioner of Queenstown and the Superintendent of the 
Tambookie Location (Mr. Warner), perhaps also other Superin- 
tendents of Natives, will have been instructed to render all 
assistance in their power. 

36. The chief correspondence on the subject was probably 
conducted by myself, as Secretary to the Lieutenant-Governor 
at Grahamstown, and may be found among the records of the 
Lieutenant-Governor's office, which I believe are now in the 
Colonial Office at Cape Town. Mr. S. Brodribb of the Stamp 
Branch of the Treasury would doubtless be stOl able to trace the 
correspondence if desired to do so, as he was Chief Clerk in the 
Lieutenant-Governor's office at the time. 

37. Sir Walter Currie accomplished the work. In a very 


short time all Calekaland was emptied of its inhabitants, and 
was kept clear of them for some years thereafter by small 
detachments of the Mounted Police stationed there, and the 
formation of the Idutywa Reserve by " Gawler's Kafirs." 

38. Our Government failed to take full advantage of the 
opportunity so thrown in its way to provide against future 
troubles. Something, however, was done in the country be- 
tween the Keiskama and the Kei (which had been voluntarily 
abandoned by its inhabitants to save themselves from perishing 
by starvation), as portions of that territory were surveyed into 
farms, and granted to " suitable " colonists on special conditions ; 
but large tracts — much too large, I think — were set apart as 
Native Reserves, to which the Kafirs, who had spread themselves 
over the Colony in search of food, might again return and rally 
round their former Chiefs, while the whole of the country 
between the Kei and Bashee Rivers was left unoccupied for 
years, except the small portion of it allotted to the "Gawler 
Kafirs," and named the " Idutywa Reserve." 

39. The omission to take advantage of the opportunity did 
not arise from want of inclination on the part of Sir George 
Grey, or on that of his successor in the Go^ ernment. Sir P. E. 
Wodehouse, but was the result of circumstances beyond their 
control. The greatest obstacle was the disinclination of the 
Imperial Government to extend the boundaries of the Colony ; 
the next difiSculty in importance was the objection of our own 
Parliament to bear the entire cost and responsibility of such 

40. I do not remember that Sir George Grey, who left this 
Colony for New Zealand in August, 1861, formed any plan for 
filling up the Trans-Keian territory, although the desirability 
of so doing must have been felt by him and urged upon him 
by many persons ; but Sir P. Wodehouse, who assumed the 
Government early in 1862, soon turned his attention to the 
subject very earnestly. 

41. It was known by this time that considerable numbers 
of Kreli's people, who had been in service in the Colony, had 
returned, or were returning to him, the temptation to do so 
being mainly the chance of recovering by some means or other 
their lost territory. Kreli had frequently prayed for forgiveness 
under all sorts of pleas and promises, and our leaving the country 


open encouraged hiui to hope for success. Tliere must have 
been much correspondence on the subject between the Lieu- 
tenant-Governor of British KafTraria and the Governor, th(^ 
Taiubookie Agent (Mr. Warner), and Sir Walter Currie and 
myself, all of which should be on record at the Colonial Office, 
or among the papers of the High Commissioner at Government 

42, Sir Philip Wodehouse, surrounded by dilBculties, and 
much perplexed by the great diversities of opinion from time to 
time urged uj)on his attention, decided upon having the country 
divided into farms of moderate size and granting them to selected 
persons, subject to defensive arrangements, if by any means 
money could be obtained to defray the cost of a special Police 
force for the protection of the country during the first four or 
five years, until the people could themselves provide the means 
for so doing. 

43. The Imperial Government provided this arrangement for 
a time, and consented to allow half the cost of the Cape Mounted 
Eiiles (which i-egiment was about to be disbanded) to help us to 
provide a force for the protection of the Transkei territory for a 
certain period. My impression on this subject is that it had 
been decided to disband half the regiment, and to keep on the 
other half for a time, and that Sir Philip proposed that the 
whole regiment should be disbanded, and one half the cost 
thereof be allowed for Transkeian purposes, and that this was 
agreed to subject to Parliamentary sanction. 

44, This an-angement appeared to be in a fair way of being 
carried out when our Parliament met in Grahamstown in 1864. 
Some short time after that Mr, Bowker, who as Inspector of 
Police had been in command of the detachments in the Transkei, 
came to town on duty, leaving a much younger oflicer in charge. 
While Mr. Bowker was in town an express arrived from this 
young officer reporting that he had received information from 
one of their paid detectives to the effect that Kreli intended to 
attack Fort Bowker on the following day, and to drive the 
Police out of the counti'y in order that he might himself re- 
occupy it. 

45. This information was considered by Sir Walter Currie 
and Mr. Bowker to be perfectly reliable, and my suggestion that 
the Kafir word " gomso " (to-morrow) did not invariably mean 


Lhe following clay, but frequently implied a future convenient 
opportunity, went for nothing. Orders were sent at once to 
various Police Stations, directing all available men to move as 
speedily as possible into the Transkei, for which place Sir Walter 
Currie and Mr. Bowker also started during the night, and in due 
course arrived there to find everything quiet. 

46. A mail was leaving for England a day or two after the 
arrival of this express, and of course copies of the report, with 
the opinions of Sir W. Currie and Mr. Bowker, were forwarded 
by it to the Secretary of State. The result was the abandonment 
by the HoDae Government of all idea of co-operating with us in 
the way before described, and leaving the Governor to fill up the 
country in any way he could, but cautioning him against risking 
a collision. 

47. Every one agreed that it Avas impossible to keep the 
country unoccupied much longer, even if it were desirable to 
attempt it. Kreli frequently represented that he could not 
remain where he was, and Moni complained of our forcing Kreli 
to be in his country while he had scarcely enough ground for 
himself. I may here mention that an offer was once made to 
Kreli to provide him with land in " No Man's Land." Sir Walter 
Ourrie was sent to Kreli to make the offer, either by Sir George 
Orey or Sir P. Wodehouse (the latter, I think). This offer Ki'eli 

48. Kreli's messages to the Governor were sent sometimes 
through the Lieutenant-Governor of British Kaffraria, at other 
times through Sir W. Currie or IMr. Warner. When through 
the former the messages usually went direct to the Governor, 
and those through the two latter to me, first w'hile I was Secretary 
to the Lieutenant-Governor, and afterwards while Acting Colonial 
Secretary. The replies went through the same channels, and the 
correspondence will be found among the records. 

49. On one occasion (I cannot fix the date) Mr. Warner was 
sent into Moni's country to make observations, and report upon 
the condition of Kreli and his folio wei'S residing there ; also as to 
the disposition of Moni with regard to them, and the practica- 
bility, or otherwise, of arrangements being made for their per- 
manent abode in it. 

50. ]Mr. Warner's report was unfavourable. He represented 
Moni as being greatly dissatisfi.ed with Kreli's continuance in his 


country for so long a time, and as having expressed an intention 
to expel him from it. Kreli, he said, was in a miserable pHgh 
and very penitent. The general purport of the report was to 
the effect that if Kreli were compelled to remain where he was 
much longer, complications and hostilities would arise which 
might involve us in serious troubles. 

51. It was, perhaps, after this visit that the offer was made 
to provide for Kreli in No Man's Land ; if so, it was Sir Philip 
Wodehouse who made the offer. 

52. At the time when the Imperial Government withdrew 
from the proposed arrangement to aid the Government of this 
Colony in defraying the cost of a special force for guarding the 
Transkeian territory, our own Government was not in a position 
to run any risk of hostilities not absolutely forced upon it. The 
Armed and Mounted Police was, I think, under five hundred 
strong, and spread over the country in small detachments where 
their services could not well be dispensed with. The military 
force was very limited, and there was a continuous pressure by 
the Home Government to still further reduce it until only one 
regiment was left at the Imperial cost. The allowance of £40,000 
a year made during Sir George Grey's tenure of office by Her 
Majesty's Government had been discontinued, and our own finances 
were in a very unsatisfactory condition, expenditure having for 
many years exceeded the revenue by large amounts. All these 
circumstances combined left the Government with only a choice 
of evils — either allow Kreli to re-possess himself of the whole 
country, or divide it between him and other Natives likely to be 
able to hold their own against him. 

53. The Governor decided upon the latter alternative. Kreli, 
in response to his frequent and urgent appeals for merciful con- 
sideration, was informed through Mr. "Warner and Sir W. Currie 
that he would be permitted to re-occupy, subject to good behaviour, 
a portion of his former country from the coast upwards to a line to 
be determined by us, and pointed out to him, and subject, further, 
to forfeiture if he misconducted himself. He made many pro- 
fessions of gratitude for this concession, and promised not to give 
trouble. Still, Kafir-like, he hoped that he might afterwards be 
deemed worthy of further favours, as the land to be allotted to 
him was very small. The Governor's reply to this expression 
of hope was firm and decided — no more land would under any 


circumstances be given to him, and he was told not to permit more 
people to join him than the land was sufficient for. 

54. Mr. Brownlee had fixed the year 1862 as the period when 
these arrangements were made, but it was not until after the close 
of the Session of Parliament in Grahamstown in 1864. Sir P. 
Wodehouse remained in Grahamstown for a short time after the 
close of the Session, and personally carried on correspondence 
with Mr. "Warner, Mr. Brownlee, Sir Walter Currie, and others 
on the frontier, relative thereto, and also communicated with me 
at Cape Town thereon. 

55. I had been very much opposed to allowing Kreli to 
return from beyond the Bashee, and when it was found im- 
possible to carry out the plan of throwing in a strong body 
of Colonial farmers between that river and the Kei, I urged 
the desirability of locating a large number of Fiugoes in the 
country, as they were less likely to strengthen Kreli than any 
other Natives that could be selected, while we should at the 
same time be relieving the overcrowded Fingoe locations in the 

56. Mr. Warner was equally urgent for granting to the 
Tambookies of the Tambookie location in the Queen's Town 
District (where he was the Government Eesident) a large slice 
of the Galeka country, in exchange for their location, wliich he 
said they would vacate if allowed to settle east of the Indwe and 
up to the boundaries of Gangelizwe's territory, so as to re-unite 
what then was, and had been for a long time, a divided " Nation." 
This policy was very difterent to my ideas of what a wise policy 
should be. I was in favour of weakening — not strengthening — 
so as to bring the people who could not control themselves under 
efficient and effectual supervision ; and besides, I felt certain that 
many of the location Tambookies would refuse to emigrate, and 
that we should simply be increasing the " Nation's" territory to 
their own as well as our injury, but, as before said, the Governor 
had only a choice of evils, and the adoption of Mr. Warner's pro- 
posal seemed to be by no means the greatest. 

57. He was authorized to make the offer and, if accepted, to 
carry it into effect. The offer was pretty generally accepted, 
but ere long it was found that many would not willingly leave 
British territory and British laws for territories within which 
*hey were to be left to the tender mercies of their own Chiefs ; 


while others, influenced by less worthy motives, also refused to 
move. Tn this dilemma, Mr. Warner first invoked the influence 
of the Chiefs who had crossed, and next that of the Chief 
Paramount Gangelizwe, to induce them to go, and, both failing, 
he recommended that the Chiefs should be permitted to use 
force, or otherwise that the Mounted Police should be sent to 
compel the fulfilment of what he held to have been a contract. 
These recommendations, as a matter of course, were not adopted, 
and the ultimate result was that only a small portion of the 
Tambookie Location reverted tf) the Government. 

58. While the correspondence was in progress with Mr. 
Warner, Mr. Brownlee, who at the time was Gaika Com- 
missioner, recommended that an offer should be made to 
Sandilli and his tribe to vacate their location and settle 
beyond the Kei, adjoining Kreli. He considered that if told 
they would by such a move be released from their allegiance to 
the Queen, and be left to govern themselves as of old, they 
would gladly accept the offer. 

59. The Governor mentioned this to me in a note written, I 
think, from King William's Town, and in reply I expressed 
myself as much surprised, and as considering the proposal to be 
very objectionable for many reasons, adding my belief that 
Sandilli himself, and most, if not all, his people would decline 
the offer, if made. I need not here detail the reasons which 
influenced me in forming my opinion, but may mention that Sir 
Philip informed me that Mr. Brownlee felt certain that the 
Gaikas would jump at the offer if made to them. The offer was 
made, and declined. 

60. After this it was decided to locate Fingoes between 
Kreli and the Tambookies, and Sir Walter Currie was entrusted 
with the duty of effecting their removal and settlement. There 
was great opposition to this movement from many quarters, but 
the energy, perseverance, and pluck of Sir Walter overcame it, 
and the duty was well performed. 

61. The country between the Kei and Bashee was not 
annexed to this Colony nor otherwise added to Her Majesty's 
dominions, and the emigrant Fingoes and Tambookies were 
distinctly told that they would be left to govern themselves as 
best they could, that this Government would place " Residents " 
with them to be mediums for communication, and to advise 


them ; but they would neither have nor exercise judicial functions 
of any kind. It was not necessary to make the same communica- 
tion to Kreli, as he never had been a British subject, 

62. The Government carried out its pledge. Residents were 
placed with Kreli, the Fingoes, and the Tambookies, and Mr, 
Warner was appointed a sort of General Superintendent over 
all. Difficulties, however, soon arose, particulars of which I do 
not remember in detail. My impression is that there were 
lealousies in various quarters and of several kinds, that among 
others Kreli objected to Warner having anything to do in his 
tribe while he was also head of the Tambookee tribes, and 
that Mr. Warner himself recommended that he should be re- 
lieved from any duties connected with the Galekas, and that 
his recommendation was adopted, and after a time he was 
pensioned off, and thereafter each Resident acted indepen- 

63. Kreli was always troublesome, continually having disputes- 
with the Resident, and asking for his removal and the appoint 
ment of some other. I do not remember whether in any instance 
while I was Colonial Secretary these requests were complied 
with ; for my own part I was never disposed to humour him in 
such matters, and thought it advisable rather to keep a man with 
him that was not likely to be too much influenced by his likes 
and dislikes. 

64. Kreli possessed the country he occupied subject to good 
behaviour, and he was frequently reminded of this ; the Govern- 
ment did not approve of his attack on Gangeliswe in 1872, 
but it was considered that he had reasonable grounds of com- 
plaint, and as neither he nor Gangeliswe were British subjects, 
his action then was not regarded as a serious breach of agi-ee- 

65. The removal of the Fingoes and the Location Tambookies 
from the Colony and Colonial laws into a territory where 
they were to be left to govern themselves according to native 
laws and customs was doubtless a movement, and a very serious 
one, in the wrong direction, but it would have been disastrous 
to have permitted the Galekas to re-occupy the whole of the 

66. These notes have been jotted down from memory, with 
the object of indicating how and where recorded information may 


be found upon subjects connected with Native affairs in by- 
<rone times. The despatches of the GoA^ernors, prior to 1852, are 
on record, I think, in the Colonial Office, and after that date at 
Government House. 

Wynberg, May, 1878. 


Lieutenant-Governor Hay to the Earl of Klmherley. 

Cape of Good Hope. — No. 4G. 

Government House, Cape Town, 

November 19, 1870. 

MY LORD, — I have the honour to transmit, and desire Enclosure 
to recommend to your Lordship's most favourable ^^' ^' 
consideration, a petition addressed by the Griqua Chief Water- 
Waterboer and his Councillors to Her Majesty the Queen, boer's 
praying that, for the reasons set forth therein, Her Majesty 
may be graciously pleased to proclaim her authority over 
Griqualand West, or over such portions thereof as Her 
Majesty's Government may advise, and that Her Majesty 
may be further pleased to extend to the Griquas of Griqua- 
land West the protection and privileges of British subjects, 
and to establish in that country such form of government as 
the exigencies of the time require. 

2. It is my duty to inform your Lordship that this petition 
is the result of two motive causes, viz. — 

Firstly, That since the discovery that diamonds exist in 
vast numbers within and beyond the limits of the Griqua 
territory, many thousands of British subjects have emigrated 
thither (and their number is daily increasing), and the Griqua 
Government feels itself incompetent to exercise over them 
and over other foreigners who have also gone or are going 
thither, that authority which the peace and well-being of all 
concerned imperatively demand ; and 

Secondly, That the Governments of the two neighbouring 
Republican States (the Orange Free State and the South 
African Republic) have, since the discovery referred to, assumed 
an attitude towards the Griqua people and other aboriginal 



inhabitants which plainly indicates an intention of seizing 

upon, and appropriating between them, without sufficient 

or justifiable cause, nearly the whole of the Griqua and 

adjacent other Native territory, and of ejecting therefrom 

the native population, by whom it is now and for a long series 

of years has been occupied. 

Sept. 19, 3. I have already, in my Despatches of the numbers and 

1870. dates noted in the margin, shown, I think conclusively, that 

1870. the Orange Free State has no valid claim to the territory on 

Nov. 2. tjie right bank of the Vaal River, over which, by a recent 
1870 ' ' ./ 

Nov 18 Proclamation, dated the 29th August, 1870 (of which a copy 
1870. is annexed), its Government has assumed authority ; and I 

,^nQ ' am in communication with the President of the South African 
Enclosure Republic, with a view to ascertain the grounds upon which 
No. 2. the claim preferred by that Republic to lands on the Upper 
P Vaal River and between that stream and the Hart River 

State is founded, the result of which I will as early as possible 
Procla- communicate to your Lordship. 

4. under these circumstances 1 propose in this Despatch 
to confine myself to a review of the Chief Waterboer's claims 
to the territory, and to the favourable consideration of his 
case by Her Majesty's Government. 

5. I will treat of these matters as briefly as is consistent 
with lucidity, and with the importance of the interests 

6. The present Chief of Griqualand TTest, Nicholas 
Waterboer, is a son of the late Chief Andreas Waterboer, who, 
with his people, many years ago emigrated to the country 
now called Griqualand, under the auspices and in accordance 
with the desire of the then Government of this Colony, with 
the object of establishing order in those parts and reducing 
the bands of marauders by which it was infested. 

7. That Andreas "Waterboer did well and truly perform 
the part that was expected of him there are many proofs. 
His successor has placed in my hands three silver medals 
which were presented to him and two of his Councillors in 
the year 1825, on behalf of Her Majesty's Government, the 
inscriptions on which testify that at that early period he was 
already regarded as a friend. The inscription upon the medal 
presented to himself is in the Dutch language, and may be 


thus translated, viz. " Andreas Waterboer, Captain of the 
Griquas — a token of friendship from the English Government." 

8. In the year 1832 he rendered valuable assistance to an Enclosure 
armed expedition sent by the Colonial Government against '' 

a, band of robbers on the northern borders, as is shown by the Letter of 

annexed copy of a communication addressed to him on the ^^^a '^' 
>■ •' 1834. to 

5th February, 1834, by the then Civil Commissioner of Chief 
the Division of Graaf Reinet, Mr. W. C. Van Ryneveld. Water- 

9. In the year 1834 a formal Treaty was entered into 
between the then Governor of this Colony and Andreas Nq. 4. 

"Waterboer, a copy of which is appended ; and that Treaty 

was shortly afterwards approved and confirmed by Her ^,^^1^ Chief 
Majesty's Government. In this Treaty the boundary of the Waterboer 
Griqua territory on the Colonial side is described as from ^^ 

Keis on the Orange River, up the course of that river to 
Ramah, which is the boundary now claimed on that side 
by the present Chief Nicholas Waterboer. 

10. The terms and conditions of the Treaty were strictly 
observed and acted up to by both parties from the date of its 
taking effect, in 1834, until the death of Andreas Waterboer, 
which took place in 1852, and during the whole of that period 
this Government had no cause of complaint against either 
Waterboer or his people. On the contrary, he on two occa- 
sions effectually did protect the border of the Colony from 
formidable armed invasions threatened by tribes from the 
north, whom he met and routed before they could reach the 
border. The first of these important services was rendered 
in the year 1823, when a vast horde of Mantatees, estimated 
at 40,000 in number, was completely broken up by Water- 
boer's spirited attack upon them in the neighbourhood of 
Kuruman, and its remnants forced to retreat to the interior. 
Shortly afterwards he inflicted severe and merited punish- 
ment on extensive bands of Baralong and " Bergenaar " 
robbers, whose raids made them a tezTor to all living on the 
northern border. 

The death of Andrew Waterboer and the accession of 
his son Nicholas to the Chieftainship were communicated to 
the Lieutenant-Govei'nor of the Eastern Districts of this 
Colony by letter, dated at Griqua Town on the 14th 
December, 1852 ; to which letter a reply was sent from 




No. 5. 

Letter of 
Jan. 15, 
death of 

Grahamstown, by direction of Her Majesty's High Com- 
missioner, at that time Sir George Cathcart, on the 15th 
I Januax'y, 1853 (of which reply I attach a copy), and your 
Lordship will observe that this answer is a full admission 
that Waterboer always consistently fulfilled the conditions 
of his Treaty, and is further an acknowledgment of the 
succession of his son Nicholas. 

11. In the year 1854, however, for reasons unknown to 
me, the same distinguished officer, Sir George Cathcart, saw 
fit to deny the existence of any Treaty between this Govern- 
ment and that of Waterboer, and to designate the Treaty 
of 1834 as a personal one with the late Andreas Waterboer, 
and Her Majesty's Government was induced to adopt that 
view of the case. 

12. It was not alleged by Sir George Cathcart, or indeed 
by any one, that the Griqua Government or people had, by 
any act of theirs, forfeited their claim to be considered as 
the friends and allies of the Colony, or had in any way 
infringed the terms of their Treaty, and although there was 
much correspondence on the subject between Governor Sir 
George Grey and the Secretary of State for the Colonies, which 
resulted in the Governor's being authorized to continue to 
Nicholas Waterboer the payments stipulated in the Treaty 
to be paid to his late father, on condition that he acted in 
accordance with the terms of that Treaty, yet the formal 
Treaty itself was not revived, nor do I find that at any time 
the assistant Commissioner's letter of the 15th January, 1853, 
above referred to, was ever communicated to your Lordship's 

13. That letter appears to me to have been an admission 
that, so far as our Government was concerned, we were 
willing to continue in the son's case the Treaty alliance which 
had existed with the father, and ever since Sir George 
Grey received the authority above referred to, the annual 
payments stipulated in the Treaty of 1834 have been made to 
Nicholas Waterboer, and he, on his part, has faithfully acted 
up to the conditions upon which they are made. 

14. It will thus be seen that for a period of about fifty 
years the Griquas have acted a faithful and friendly part 
towards the Government of this Colony, and have maintained 


a position on our northern l)Oiclers from which, but for their 
presence, we must have expected, and should in all probability 
have experienced, much trouble and annoyance, and I cannot 
doubt that these circumstances will have their due weight 
with your Lordship when considering the application and 
representations made by these people, who are now in 
danger of being deprived of their lands on the plea of an 
alleged purchase of the same from an individual who had no 
lawful right or authority to sell. 

15. And before closing this Despatch, I would desire to 
call your Lordship's attention to the fact that the Griquas, 
though a Native people, are in a peculiar condition of 
civilization essentially different from that of the majority of 
Native tribes here. They are all Christians ; they are in 
general of mixed blood, and their laws are not Native but 
European laws. In fact, they are but little removed in 
civilization and advancement from the condition of such of 
our own people as inhabit adjacent jiarts of the Colony, where 
the nature of the country is similar. Where the land is 
lit for agriculture, they cultivate, and where it is not, they 
feed stock. Such tribes as these seem to me to be the natural 
means by whose agency Africa may eventually in great part 
be civilized. 

16. Time does not admit of my to-day entering upon a 
discussion of the advantages or disadvantages to this Colony 
and Her Majesty's other possessions in South Africa which 
must be the effect of a decision upon this question, but I 
will treat of that portion of the subject by next mail. 

17. I have in a separate Despatch transmitted several 
Addresses and Petitions from various parts of this Colony in 
favour of the annexation of the Griqua country to it on fair 
and equitable terms, and I have only in conclusion to convey 
to your Lordship my assurance that I have every reason to 
believe that those Addi-esses are in complete accordance with the 
sentiments of a very large majority of the people of this Colony. 

I have, etc., 

C. Hay, 
Lieutenant-General , Lieutenant-Governor 

Administering the Government. 
The Itiglit Honourable 

The Earl of Kimberley. 



Drawn up and issued by the Volksraad of the Orange Free 
State, at its Session Extraordinary of 4th December, 1871, 
held at Bloemfontein, against the infringements which have 
been made on the Treaty-rights and Territory of said Free 
State, by certain Pi-oclamations of His Excellency Sir Henry 
Barkly, Governor of the Cape Colony and Her Britannic 
Majesty's High Commissioner, dated 27th October, 1871, by 
which Proclamation the " Diamond-fields " were declared to 
be British Territory. 

WHEREAS His Excellency Sir Henry Barkly, Her Britannic 
Majesty's High Commissioner in South Africa, and 
Governor of the British Colony of the Cape of Good Hope, has 
by Proclamation, dated 27th October, 1871, accepted Captain 
N. Waterboer and his people as British subjects, and has pro- 
claimed to be British territory a large tract of country to the 
south of Vaal River, for a long course of years governed by the 
Orange Free State, and the property of and inhabited by Free 
State subjects ; 

Whereas thereby infringement is made on the territorial rights 
of the Orange Free State, and the Treaty formerly concluded, and 
subsequently acknowledged between Her Britannic Majesty and 
the Orange Free State is thereby violated ; 

Whereas in said Proclamation allegations are made as motives 
for this proceeding of Her Britannic Majesty's High Commissioner 
which cannot be admitted by the Orange Free State as just and 

Whereas — in regard to the inhabitants of the Orange Free 
State and their conduct — erroneous impressions exist, which 


might bring them, as a people, into contempt in the eyes of 
European nations : 

The Volksraad of the Orange Free State has, at its Session 
Extraordinary at Bloemfontein, holden on 4th December, 1871, 
resolved : — 

To be compelled to confirm, as it hereby does confirm, all the 
protests made up to this time, by the State President of the 
Orange Free State, against the said Proclamation and the pro- 
ceedings of the High Commissioner ; and solemnly and formally 
to protest, as it hereby does protest, and must ever persist in 
protesting, against the Proclamation above mentioned, and the 
proceedings of His Excellency Sir Henry Barkly, in regard to 
Captain N. Waterboer and his people, and the proclaimed terri- 
tory, as being an infringement of the territorial rights of the 
Orange Free State, obtained from the predecessors of Her Bri- 
tannic Majesty's High Commissioner, similarly acting in the name 
of the Queen of England, and a violation of the Convention con- 
cluded on the 23rd February, 1854, between Her Britannic 
Majesty's Government and the Orange Free State, which Con- 
vention was on the 12th February, 1869, at Aliwal North, 
acknowledged by Sir Philip Wodehouse, Her Britannic Majesty's 
High Commissioner at that time. 

And the Volksraad, considering that it hereby maintains the 
interest of the people which it represents, and upholds the dignity 
of the Orange Free State, has deemed it incumbent upon it to 
publish to the world the reasons of its protest, with some grounds 
for the claims of the Free State people, and publicly to refute 
the accusations brought against it. 

The Volksraad therefore communicates to the world, that 

By Proclamation of His Excellency Sir H. G. Smith, Her 
Britannic Majesty's then High Commissioner in South Africa, 
dated 3rd February, 1848, the sovereignty of Her Britannic 
Majesty was established over the country situated between Orange 
liiver, Vaal Eiver, and the Drakensberg ; and by further Pro- 
clamation of His Excellency Sir H. G. Smith, that proclaimed 
territory was divided into four magistracies, viz. : Griqualand, 
with Bloemfontein as its seat of Government ; Winburg, with 
Winburg as its seat of magistracy ; Vaal Eiver, with Vrededorp 
(now Harry smith) as its seat of magistracy ; and Caledon River, 
with Smithfield as its seat of magistracy. 


The supremacy of Her Britannic Majesty was then established 
over all people, whether white or coloured, living within those 

Of that proclaimed territory a chart was made, which must 
still be found in the archives of the British Government, on which 
the said proclaimed territory was delineated as bounded by Vaal 
River, Orange River, and Drakensberg. 

In 1854, Her Britannic Majesty withdrew said sovereignty 
over this country, and a Plenipotentiary, Sir George Russell 
Clerk, commissioned by Her Majesty, addressed himself to the 
white inhabitants then dwelling in the territory, and urged it 
upon them to take over the Government of that territory. 

Few in number, and surrounded by hostile and powerful 
coloured tribes, these white inhabitants were reluctant to take 
its Government upon themselves ; but constrained by Her 
Britannic Majesty's Plenipotentiary, and hearing that no choice 
was left them, inasmuch as the abandonment of the country 
was determined on, they accepted the Government of this 

On the 23rd February, 1854, a Convention was concluded 
between said Plenipotentiary of Her Britannic Majesty and the 
delegates of the white population of this territory, in which 
Convention, among other matters : 

The people of the Orange River Sovereignty (now Orange 
Free State) was declared to be a " free and independent people," 
and was released from its British allegiance ; and being sur- 
rounded by hostile and powerful coloured tribes, with which 
a collision must sooner or later inevitably take place, the white 
population having been invested against their will with the 
Government of the country which Her Britannic Majesty had so 
abandoned, — secured to itself, under article 2 of the Convention, 
the following advantages : 

" The British Government has no alliance whatever with any 
native chiefs or tribes to the northward of Orange River, with 
the exception of the Griqua chief, Captain Adam Kok ; and Her 
Majesty's Government has no wish or intention to enter hereafter 
into any treaties which may be injurious or prejudicial to the 
interest of the Orange Free State Government." 

Besides this a free import of ammunition from the Cape 
Colony was at the same time guaranteed. 


For, being wholly left to themselves, few in number, sur- 
rounded by powerful tribes which had been rendered their 
enemies by war which the British Government had waged 
against those tribes, deprived for the time to come of the strong 
hand of England, which had up to that time protected them, — 
that small people were under the necessity of at least stipulating 
that that powerful hand of England should not be lifted up to 
their detriment, on behalf of those hostile coloured tribes. With- 
out the guarantee secured by the 2nd article of the Convention, 
the taking over of the Government was an impossibility. 

Between the years 1848 and 1854, Her Britannic Majesty's 
Representatives in this territory issued many titles to land, and 
also established the magistracy of Griqualand, of which Bloem- 
fontein was at first the capital ; but of which a second portion, 
with Sannahspoort, or Eauresmith, for its capital, was subsequently 
formed into a separate district. Whence it also arose that, on 
the taking over of the Government, delegates from Bloemfontein, 
Winburg, Caledon River, Vaal River, and Sannahspoort, as 
representatives of the whole white population of the country, 
took over the Government. 

The Government handed over to them extended over the 
country proclaimed in 1848, by His Excellency Sir H. G. Smith, 
as British territory, — by Proclamation in 1854, — discharged from 
British supremacy ; and by the Convention, on the 23rd 
February, 1854, ceded to a people from that time forward 
" free and independent." 

The white population being thus, against their will, charged 
with the government of the country and the management of 
their own affairs, established a Republic, and gave to this 
territory the title of " Orange Free State." 

By the Convention of 1854, the new Government (later 
denominated the Orange Free State Government) bound itself, 
that the titles to property and land-rights granted by the 
British Government should be guaranteed, and that the owners 
thereof should not be disturbed in their possession. 

Faithful to the obligation thus assumed, the Orange Free 
State protected those who had obtained such titles, and among 
others, those to whom titles had been granted in that tract of 
country now proclaimed by His Excellency Sir Henry Barkly, 
as the property of Captain N. Waterboer, to be British territory. 


Over this tract of country the Free State Government has 
for a number of years exercised jurisdiction ; the courts of the 
Free State have settled disputes between the inhabitants of 
these now proclaimed grounds ; taxes have been levied, and 
all rights and obligations attached to sovereignty have been 
enjoyed and fulfilled. 

The titles for landed property, granted by the British 
Govei'nment between the years 1848 and 1854, in the tract 
of country now proclaimed as British territory, are now alleged 
to have been granted only provisionally, or by mistake, although 
the Orange Free State bound itself to the maintenance of those 
very titles ; and although those titles, for land obtained from 
the British Government, have subsequently passed by sale and 
transfer into other hands, which transactions have been recorded 
in the Land Registers of the Free State. 

In 1865 the Free State — compelled by the reiterated violation 
of treaties, the neglect to fulfil solemn promises, the incessant 
robberies, and presumptuous proceedings of the Basuto nation — • 
girded on its sword, and declared war against that nation. 

In 1866 a peace was concluded with the Basuto nation, and 
a new treaty signed, whereby that nation ceded a tract of country 
by way of indemnification of war expenses. That treaty was not 
respected, but wantonly broken, and the Free State was once 
more forced to take up arms. 

Notwithstanding the provisions of article 2 of the Convention, 
England interfered in that dispute, declared the Basuto nation 
British subjects, and prohibited the transit of ammunition we re- 
quired, although solemnly bound by that Convention to allow it. 

And although the British Government, on the protest of the 
Orange Free State against that interference as being a violation 
of article 2 of the Convention of 1854, alleged that their pro- 
tection of the natives in this case did not tend to the detriment 
of the Free State, still the right did not then accrue to them 
utterly to negative the opposite view of the other contracting 
parties — to refuse to hear them — and so to act as if such other 
party had no voice in the judgment of its own concerns. 

And in 1869 a Convention was at last concluded at Aliwal 
North on that question, between Her Britannic Majesty's High 
Commissioner and the Orange Free State, whereby the Convention 
of 1854 was confirmed, and declared not to have been violated 


by the proceedings of Her Brituunic Majesty on the Basuto 

On the 15th September, 1870, it was announced to the 
President of the Orange Free State, by the then acting Governor 
of the Cape Colony, Lieutenant-General Hay, that Waterboer 
and his people applied to be accepted as British subjects, and 
it \\a,s demanded of the Orange Free State to bring forward 
its proofs of right to the grounds claimed by "Waterboer. 

Four days later — before the letter of the 15th September, 
1870, could have reached Bloemfontein, the Capital of the Free 
State — the Orange Free State was apprised that British magis- 
trates would be appointed by the British Government in the 
now proclaimed grounds then actually in its possession and 
under its jurisdiction. 

The Government of the Orange Free State, as representing 
a free and independent people, acknowledged as an independent 
State by friendly Powers (among others, by the United States 
of North America, Germany, France, Russia, Austria, Italy, 
Spain, and the Netherlands), having concluded Conventions and 
Agreements with Her Britannic Majesty's Government, and 
consequently being recognized by Her Majesty as such, offered 
to submit the decision of the claims advanced by Captain N. 
Waterboer, and of the rights of the Orange Free State to those 
grounds now proclaimed, to the arbitration of the head of a 
friendly Power ; at the same time urging for a similar decision 
regarding the true meaning of article 2 of the Convention of 
the 23rd Februai-y, 1854, grounding such claim on the law of 
nations, as granting such right, even when one party is weak 
and the other powerful. 

This offer was refused by Her Britannic Majesty's Govern- 
ment, and in a Despatch of Earl Krmberley, No. 100, dated 
29th July, 1871, the Orange Free State was informed that 
England cannot allow foreign arbitration in South Africa, 
because serious embarrassments might arise therefrom. 

On the 27th October, 1871, that territory, which has long 
been governed by the Orange Free State, and in which, since 
1869, rich diamond mines have been discovered, was, in the 
name of Her Majesty, taken away from the Free vState, and, 
as the property of Nicolaas Waterboer, proclaimed to be British 


And although the claims of the Orange Free State to 
sovereignty over that territory are denied to have ever existed, 
the occupiers of those grounds are nevertheless guaranteed in 
their rights to thera, if acquired from the Orange Free State 
before January, 1870. 

In the Proclamation, declaring said grounds to be British 
territory, the following reasons are alleged for this proceed- 
ing :— 

"That the Orange Free State has obstinately refused to 
submit to arbitration the existing difference between their 
Government and Her Britannic Majesty, acting on behalf of 
Waterboer, or has attached to it impossible conditions," 

While, on the contrary, the Orange Free State has all along 
been, and still is, willing to submit its claims to such an 
arbitration as consists with international right, to which the 
Orange Free State, as a free and independent State, considers 
itself entitled. 

In a Despatch of Earl Kimberley, No. 105, dated 21st July, 
1871, as motives for proclaiming the Diamond-fields as British 
territory, it is stated : 

" That Waterboer's offer is accepted, to prevent the irregu- 
larities which would arise from a prolonged absence of a regular 
Government at the Diamond-fields." 

But the Orange Free State most positively denies the sound- 
ness of this leasoning : 

Because magistrates were appointed by the Free State over 
those Diamond-fields, a police force was supplied, courts of 
justice were established, and thousands of subjects of all nations 
were protected by the Orange Free State in their property and 
persons, and that in such a manner, that after the forcible 
seizure of the Diamond-fields by Her Britannic Majesty's Govern- 
ment, addresses, signed by a great number of Englishmen, were 
forwarded to His Excellency Sir Henry Barkly, requesting that, 
under the British Government, the magistracy might be conferred 
upon the gentlemen who had hitherto represented the Free State 

And in those addresses the following words, among others, 
occur : — 

" That your memorialists, in accepting the administration of 
the British Government, now in force in the above-mentioned and 


other places, constituting the territory known as the Diamond- 
fields, desire respectfully to draw your Excellency's attention to 
the satisfactory and efficient manner in which the Free State 
Government has maintained law and order among the large 
number of people now present at the Diamond-fields." 

And while the existence of a regular Government at the 
Diamond-fields is denied, the functionaries appointed to those 
Fields since His Excellency's Proclamation are offering the Free 
State Government to take over by purchase the prison and other 
official public buildings. 

The newspapers likewise published at the Diamond-fields 
are filled with comparisons between the former Orange Free 
State administration and the British system, now violently 
introduced ; which comparisons are to the advantage of the 
Orange Free State Government. 

In a letter, dated 23rd October, 1871, from His Excellency 
Sir Henry Barkly, conveying copy of the Proclamation of the 
Diamond-fields, the authenticity of a letter from Captain A. 
Waterboer, father of N. Waterboer, dated 10th February, 1846, 
is called in question on the ground of a simple denial by Captain 
N. Waterboer ; and the Orange Free State Government is thus 
indirectly accused of "forgery," although said letter of Captain 
Adam Waterboer was found by the Orange Free State Govern- 
ment among the documents taken over from the British Govern- 
ment, while the receipt of that letter is acknowledged by the 
former British Government, in the known handwriting attached 
to the letter of a British functionary then in the service of that 

In a Despatch, dated 17th November, 1870, Earl Kimberley 
accused the people of the Free State of " slave-dealing," an 
accusation which the people of the Orange Free State in- 
dignantly repels. It invites friendly Powers to inquire whether 
this accusation has any foundation, and fears not the result of 
the inquiry. 

Besides, the entire correspondence carried on by His 
Excellency with the Free State, shows that no disposition for 
an accord exists with him. All proofs advanced by the Free 
State are treated with contempt, or their authenticity is 
questioned, and to everything advanced by Waterboer, even 
pure and simple assertions, instant belief is conceded ; and all 


this is the more remarkable, because the Free State people is 
bound to the population of the Cape Colony by intimate ties of 
relationship, and never has interposed the slightest difficulty 
towards the Cape Colony. 

As an independent, though weak nation, not willing to have 
forced upon it by a stronger neighbour a mode of arbitration in 
Avhich the people of the Free State has no confidence, it refuses, 
and will persist in refusing, the arbitration offered it by His 
Excellency, Sir Henry Barkly, with a final umpire in South 
Africa as an ultimatum. 

For the people of the Orange Free State will not furnish the 
show of right wherewith in such a case the injustice inflicted on 
them would be cloaked. As an independent people they resolve 
to persist in their determination to claim — as a member, however 
small and weak, of the brotherhood of nations — to enjoy the 
privileges to which the law of nations entitles them. 

And whereas in the said Proclamation of His Excellency Sir 
Henry Barkly, dated 27th October, 1871, British supremacy is 
still further proclaimed over a great extent of country, including 
the so-called Campbell Grounds, in which also rich diamond- 
mines have been discovered, and which lie on the other side, or 
north of the Vaal River ; And whereas the Orange Free State 
lays claim to the thus proclaimed Campbell Grounds, by virtue 
of a purchase in 1861, from the general agent of the Griqua 
Chief, Captain Adam Kok ; 

Whereas the decision of the claims of the Orange Free State 
to those Campbell Grounds, notwithstanding repeated fruitless 
negotiations with Captain N. Waterboer, has not yet taken 
place ; 

Whereas also in that respect infringement has been made on 
the rights and claims of the Orange Free State ; 

The Volksraad of the Orange Free State protests formally 
and solemnly against the establishment of British supremacy over 
that territory, likewise usually called the Campbell Grounds ; 
and against all the proceedings of His Excellency the High 

And believing that the Most High controls the destinies of 
nations, and protects the weak, the people of the Orange Free 
State humbly but confidently commits its rights and future 


wellbeing to that Supreme Ruler, feeling assured that such 
reliance can never be disappointed. 

F. P, SCHNEUAGE, Chairman. 

Jon. Z. DB ViLLiERS, Secretary. 

Colonial Offico, Cape Towji, 30th April, 1872. 
F. K. HoHNE, Esq., 

Government Secretary, Bloemfontein, O. F. State. 

Sir, — With reference to my letter. No. 20, of the 29th 
February last, in which I acknowledged the receipt of your 
communication of the 15th January, transmitting duplicate copies 
of a Protest on the part of the Volksraad of the Orange Free 
State, I have now the honour of forwarding, by direction of 
His Excellency the Governor, for the information of His 
Honour the President, copies of a Memorandum which His 
Excellency has caused to be published in reply to said Protest. 
I have, etc., 

R. SouTHEY, Colonial Secretary. 

Colonial Office, Cape Town, 23rd April, 1872. 
His Excellency Sir Henry Barklt, K.C.B., Governor. 

Sir, — In compliance with your Excellency's desii'e, I have 
examined into the allegations contained in the Protest of the 
Volksraad of the Orange Free State of December last, and have 
prepared, and have the honour herewith to transmit, a Memo- 
randum bearing thereon, by which your Excellency will perceive 
that many of the assertions made in the Protest are at variance 
with historical facts. 

The Memorandum is much longer than I desired it to be ; 
but I have found it difficult to treat the varied, and in parts 
contradictory representations with greater brevity, except by 
omitting to allude to some of them at all, which would have 
rendered my oljservations incomplete. 

Your Excellency is aware that much delay has arisen in the 
preparation of this Memorandum in consequence of an accident 
which for the time deprived me of the use of my right hand. 

I have, etc., 


Colonial Secretary. 



The Volksraad of the Orange Free State, in its " Protest " 
published on the 19th day of December, 1871, asserts that 
infringement has been made upon its territorial rights, and that 
the Treaty subsisting between it and Her Majesty's Government 
has been violated, by Her Majesty's acceptance of the allegiance 
of the Chief Nicolaas Waterboer and the Griqua people, and by 
the Governor of this Colony having, by Proclamation of the 
27th October, 1871, notified that acceptance, and proclaimed as 
British territory a certain tract of country south of the Vaal 
River, for a long course of years governed by the Orange Free 
State, and the property of and inhabited by Free State subjects. 

In support of this assertion, they allege, — 

1st. That, by a Proclamation issued on the 3rd February, 
1848, by Sir H. G. W. Smith, then Her Majesty's High Com- 
missioner, the sovereignty of Her Majesty was established over 
all the country lying between the Orange and Vaal Rivers, and 
the Drakensberg range of mountains, and that by a subsequent 
Proclamation this country was divided into four magistracies or 
districts, named respectively, Griqualand, Winburg, Vaal River, 
and Caledon River, each having its seat of magistracy at a named 
spot ; and that the supremacy of Her Majesty was then estab- 
lished over all people, whether white or coloured, living within 
those limits ; and the World (to which the Protest is addressed) 
is informed that these magisterial districts included the whole 
territory between the two rivers and the mountains above named, 
and it is implied that the magistrates exercised jurisdiction over 
all the inhabitants, of whatever nation or colour, under and by 
virtue of Her Majesty's commission. 

2nd. That, in 1854, Her Majesty's sovereignty was withdrawn 
from the country, and that Sir George Russell Clerk, acting as 
Her Majesty's Special Commissioner, transferred the Government 
over the whole of it to certain white inhabitants, who formed 
themselves into a Republic, and named it the Orange Free 

3rd. That a portion of the territory of the Orange Free State 
so transferred by Sir G. R. Clerk has been seized by Her Majesty 
on behalf of Waterboer and his Griquas, and the Orange Free 
State deprived thereby of its sovereign rights therein. And they 


allege, further, that by the Convention between Sir G. E. Clerk 
and certain white inhabitants of the country, the latter secured 
for themselves the following advantages : " The British Govern- 
ment has no alliance whatever with any Native Chiefs or Tribes 
to the northward of the Orange River, with the exceptions of the 
Griqua Chief, Captain Adam Kok, and Her Majesty's Government 
has no wish or intention to enter hereafter into any treaties which 
may be injurious or prejudicial to the interests of the Orange 
Free State Government ; besides this, a free import of ammuni- 
tion from the Cape Colony was at the same time guaranteed." 
And that, notwithstanding this stipulation, by which the com- 
paratively few white inhabitants secured for themselves these 
*' advantages," which had been rendered necessary because they 
were surrounded by powerful tribes which had become their 
enemies in consequence of wars waged upon those tribes by the 
British Government, that Government disregarded the stipula- 
tion, and entered into engagements with Native chiefs and tribes 
north of the Orange River, without the consent and approval of 
the Government of the Orange Free State ; and, on one occasion, 
when that State was at war with the Basutos, set aside the agree- 
ment I'especting ammunition, and stopped the " free import " 
thereof from this Colony. 

The foregoing appears to form the substance of the charges 
preferred by the Free State Government against Her Majesty's 
Government, and of the arguments put forward by the former in 
support of its charges. 

The Protest is so diffusive and contradictory as to render it 
a matter of some difficulty to reply to its statements seriatim, or 
with due conciseness. 

In one part of the Protest it is asserted that the Government 
of the whole of the territory over which Her Majesty's sovereignty 
has been proclaimed in 1848 was in 1854 handed over to the 
" few " white inhabitants, who formed it into a Republic and 
named the same the Orange Free State. In another part it is 
alleged that the Native tribes by which the white people were 
" surrounded " had been made the enemies of the latter by wars 
waged upon them by the British Government. 

Again, in a third place, it is stated that "in 1865, the Free 
State — compelled by the reiterated violation of treaties, the 
neglect to fulfil solemn promises, the incessant robberies and 

2 A 


presumptuous proceedings of the Basuto Nation — girded on its 
sword, and declared war against that nation. In 1866, a peace 
was concluded with the Basuto Nation, and a new Treaty signed, 
whereby that nation ceded a tract of country by way of indem- 
nification for war expenses. That treaty was not respected, but 
wantonly broken, and the Free State was once more forced to 
take up arms." 

These assertions are, it will be seen, irreconcilable with each 
other. The Basutos possessed and occupied a very large portion 
of the territory between the Orange River, the Vaal Eiver, and 
the Drakensberg, the whole of which (according to the Protest) 
was taken possession of by the British Government in 1848, 
divided into four districts, presided over by magistrates, and in 
1854 handed over to the white inhabitants ; yet the same Protest 
alludes to those Natives as the "Basuto Nation" and two Treaties 
entered into between " the Free State " and " the Basuto Nation," 
as well as to a tract of country ceded to the Free State by that 
nation (which tract was altogether — as indeed was the whole 
country occupied by the Basuto Nation — within the limits which 
the Protest assigns as British dominion ceded to the white in- 
habitants, and forming the Orange Free State) ; and it further 
makes mention of wars waged against those Natives by the 
British Government — all which statements are totally incon- 
sistent with the idea previously set forth, that the Natives were 
in the first place British subjects, ruled over by British magis- 
trates, and subsequently subjects of the Orange Free State 
GoA'^ernment, and their territories included within the boundaries 
of that State. 

In order to form a just opinion upon the subject, and to 
ascertain precisely, in regard to territory, what was possessed by 
the British Govex'nment in 1854, and what was handed over to 
the white inhabitants who formed themselves into a Republic 
denominated the Orange Free State, it is desirable briefly to 
notice the occurrences prior to that date, referring to official 
documents in support of the facts that will be adduced, and the 
view of the case which will be maintained in this comment upon 
the Volksraad's Protest — viz. that the British Government in 
1854 had no territorial possessions between the Orange and Vaal 
Rivers and the Drakensberg, except such as had been acquii'ed 
by Treaty agreements from the Native tribes, and that it 


handed over to the white inhabitants no more than the territory 
so acquired. 

Originally, the whole of the territory north of the Orange 
River was possessed and occupied by Natives, and chiefly (if not 
entirely) by those of the following tribes, viz. : — The two sections 
of Griquas (i.e. those of East Griqualand under Adam Kok, and 
those of West Griqualand under Andries AVaterboer) into which 
that people had by formal Treaty divided itself ; the Basutos under 
the Chief Moshesh ; the Baralongs under the Chief Moroko (whose 
principal town, at Thaba Nchu, is scarcely more than twenty 
miles from Bloemfontein) ; the Ban tans under Molitsani (whose 
headquarters were near the French Mission Station of Mequat- 
ling) ; the Bushmen and Korannas under Gert Taaibosch ; and 
the Mantatees under the Chief Sinkonyella. No white person 
was in possession of any lawful right or title to land in those 
regions until the year 1846, when the then Governor of this 
Colony, Sir Peregrine Maitland, by Treaty with the Griqua 
Chief, Adam Kok, arranged that a certain portion of the terri- 
tories of that Chief might be leased by British subjects for 
periods not exceeding forty years. Prior to this period, white 
people, British subjects from this Colony, had at different times 
crossed the Orange River, in the first instance for short periods, 
during droughts, with the object of depasturing their stock ; and 
many of them, finding the pasturage to be good, thereafter 
settled in Native territory on lands purchased or leased from 
individual Natives. 

These transactions, being opposed to Native laws, were held 
and pronounced by the recognized authorities to be invalid ; 
and the Native Chiefs concerned (particularly Adam Kok and 
Moshesh) issued notices, warning British subjects against such 
illegal proceedings, and also called upon the Colonial Govern- 
ment, between which and themselves Treaty engagements existed, 
to restrain British subjects from infractions of the laws of their 
respective territories. The Governors of this Colony concurred 
in the view of these matters taken by the Chiefs ; and the said 
British subjects were commanded, from time to time, by Pro- 
clamations issued by Governor Sir George Napier and Lieutenant- 
Governor Hare, and also by communications addressed to them 
by public officers deputed by the Governors of this Colony so to 
do, — not to commit any breaches of Native laws. 


The endeavours made in 1846 by Governor Sir Peregrine 
Maitland to adjust the matters complained of by the Native 
Chiefs did not succeed in placing affairs upon a footing satis- 
factory to the white inhabitants ; and his successor in the 
Government, Sir H. Smith, with a view to a permanent settle- 
ment of land claims north of the Orange River, about eighteen 
months afterwards proceeded thither, and entered into fresh 
arrangements with the Native Chiefs, by which he obtained 
from the Griqua Chief, Adam Kok, that portion of his territory 
denominated by Sir P. Maitland the " Alienable Territory," and 
also from certain other Chiefs so much of their respective terri- 
tories as was then in the occupation of British subjects. Sir H. 
Smith declared his intention of granting the lands so ceded on 
perpetual quitrent to the occupiers, and he adopted measures 

Sir H. Smith's Proclamation of the 3rd February, 1848, 
was based upon these Treaty arrangements, and in it he particu- 
larly states that the object for which it was issued was not 
territorial aggrandizement, but to provide for future peace and 
good order, to uphold the Natives in their hereditary rights, and 
to prevent further encroachment upon their lands by British 
subjects. The words of the Proclamation are these, viz. :— 

" Now, therefore, by virtue of the several powers and 
authorities in me vested, and subject to Her Royal confirmation, 
I do hereby proclaim, declare, and make known the sovereignty 
of Her Majesty the Queen of England over the territories north 
of the great Orange River, including the countries of Moshesh, 
Moroko, Molitsani, Sinkonyella, Adam Kok, Gert Taaibosch, 
and other minor Chiefs, so far north as to the Vaal River, and 
east to Drakensberg or Quathlamba Mountains, with no desire 
or inclination whatever on the part of Her Majesty to extend 
or increase her dominions, or to deprive the Chiefs and their 
people of the hereditary rights acknowledged and recognized 
by all the civilized nations of the world as appertaining to the 
nomadic races of the earth ; but, on the contrary, with the sole 
view of establishing an amicable relationship with those Chiefs, 
of upholding them in their hereditary rights, and protecting 
them from any future aggression, or location, of Her Majesty's 
subjects, as well as providing for their rule, and the maintenance 
of good order, and obedience to Her Majesty's laws and commands 
on the part of those of the Queen's subjects, who, having 
abandoned the land of their fathers, have located themselves 


within the territories aforesaid : And I hereby proclaim that all 
the Chiefs of the territories aforesaid are under the sovereignty 
of Her Majesty as the paramount and exclusive authority in all 
international disputes as to territory, or in any cause xoliatever tending 
to interrupt the general peace and harmony of South Africa, but 
that their authority over their own tribes shall be maintained, as well 
as their oion laws, according to their customs and usages. 

"And I hereby proclaim that all Her Majesty's subjects 
within the territories aforesaid shall be governed by the laws, 
ordinances, and proclamations framed, and to be framed, for Her 
Majesty's Colony of the Cape of Good Hope, and that they shall 
henceforth be in full possession of the rights of citizens of the 
said Colony, and that municipalities, corporations, and other 
privileges shall be granted to them, as their increase and improve- 
ment may require." 

From this Proclamation it will be seen that, as regards the 
Natives, the sovereignty of Her Majesty was limited to inter- 
national matters, but the British subjects (the white inhabitants) 
were to be govei'ned by the laws and ordinances of the Cape 
Colony, and to be entitled to the same privileges as other 
subjects of Her Majesty living within the said Colony. 

This state of things continued during the existence of the 
"Sovereignty," from 1848 to 1854. The white inhabitants were 
ruled and governed as British subjects, the Native tribes were 
treated as independent communities or governments in all 
matters, except those of an international character, such as the 
land boundaries between them and the white inhabitants, and 
between the several tribes respectively. 

At no time, either before or after the extension of Her 
Majesty's sovereignty over the country, was land acquired from 
the Chief Waterboer ; nor does it appear from the records of 
this Government that, up to the date (February, 1848) of Sir H. 
Smith's Proclamation, the territories of that Chief had been 
encroached upon. In a communication from Waterboer to the 
Governor of this Colony, dated 29th July, 1845, it is stated that 
no British emigrants had settled in his country ; and Sir P. 
Maitland, in a Despatch to the Secretary of State for the 
Colonies, written in the following year — after he had visited 
the country — also stated that Waterboer's territories had not 
suffered any encroachment. During the existence of the 
Sovereignty, the surveyors employed by the British Resident 


did encroach upon the territoi'ies in question to a small extent, 
and Waterboer, on becoming aware of it, proceeded to Bloem- 
fontein, and remonstrated thereon with the British Resident ; 
whereupon that officer issued instructions to the said surveyors 
to discontinue their surveys in that direction. 

Waterboer, in his letter above alluded to, stated that his 
boundary on one side had been settled by Treaty between himself 
and Adam Kok ; and, on referring to that Treaty, it is found 
that the boundary line runs from Ramah, on the Orange River, 
northwards to Platberg. That Treaty is dated 9 th November, 
1838 (more than nine years prior to Sir H. Smith's Proclamation 
of February, 1848), and the line therein described is that which 
Waterboer has ever since claimed, and the same that has since 
been proclaimed as the boundary of British Griqualand. 

The Protest of the Volksraad, after asserting, as above 
mentioned, that the whole of the proclaimed territory was 
divided into four magisterial districts, etc., proceeds thus, viz. : — 

"Of that proclaimed territory, a chart was made, which 
must still be found in the archives of the British Government, 
on which the said proclaimed territory was delineated as bounded 
by Vaal River, Orange River, and Drakensburg. 

"In 1854, Her Britannic Majesty withdrew said sovereignty 
over this country, and a Plenipotentiary, Sir George Russell 
Clerk, commissioned by Her Majesty, addressed himself to the 
white inhabitants then dwelling in the territory, and urged it 
upon them to take over the govermnent of that territory." 

If it is meant to imply that, when the sovereignty of Her 
Majesty was about to be withdrawn, and Sir G, R. Clerk was 
commissioned to arrange such withdrawal, he addressed himself 
only to the white inhabitants, and urged upon them to take over 
the government of the whole territory, it does not correctly 
represent what occurred. 

Sir G. R. Clerk addressed himself not alone to the white 
inhabitants, but also to the Native Chiefs over whose tei-ritories 
the (limited) sovereignty of Her Majesty had been proclaimed ; 
and what he desired the white people to do was, not to take over 
the government of the whole territory, but to take over the 
government of themselves, and of the lands occupied by them 
under the arrangements made by Sir H. Smith. 


There is ample proof of this on record, but it may, perhaps, 
suffice to say that one of the main objections of the tirst 
" Delegates " from the white inhabitants elected to confer with 
Sir G. R. Clerk in respect to assuming their own government 
was the unsettled boundaries between them and the Natives. 

On Thursday, the 8th September, 1853, the Assembly of 
Delegates resolved unanimously that the Committee of Delegates 
be " instructed not to entertain any proposals for the formation 
of an independent Government until " certain questions should 
have been " adjusted to their entire satisfaction." 

The first and second of these " questions " were as follows, 
viz, : — 

" 1st. The settlement of the Griqualand question (referring 
to the Eastern Griquas under the rule of Adam Kok). 

" 2nd. The adjustment of the boundary line between the 
Basuto territory and the Sovereignty." 

And the Committee of Delegates accordingly, at a meeting 
held on the 10th November, 1853, unanimously passed the 
following resolution, viz, : — 

" That the Committee desire to bring to the notice of His 
Excellency the Special Commissioner that such dissatisfaction 
has been expressed by persons interested in the settlement of 
the boundary line with Moshesh at the absence of any public 
notice in the Gazette of the appointment of a commission for that 
purpose ; and would respectfully request that, on the occasion of 
the consideration of similar public questions in the future, His 
Excellency may be pleased to give due notice of such intention." 

And the same Committee, on the following day (11th No- 
vember), unanimously carried the following resolution, viz. : — 

"That this Committee beg Her Majesty's Special Com- 
missioner to adopt some protective regulations in behalf of Her 
Majesty's subjects inhabiting the territory of Captain Adam 
Kok, on the ground that this Chief cannot or will not maintain 
that order among his subjects which Her Majesty's subjects 
have a right to expect, in accordance with the 19th and 24th 
articles of the Treaty with that Chief ; and, further, on the 
ground that no redress is obtained for grievances when brought 
before this Chief under the above-named articles of the Treaty." 

It should be observed that the Treaty or Convention in 


question is made, not with the inhabitants of the territory, but 
with Delegates from the white inhabitants of Bloemfontein, 
Smithfield, Sannahspoort, Winburg, and Harrismith, all of which 
localities were within the limits of the territory assigned to 
those inhabitants, and did include that of Waterboer or that of 
the other Native tribes. 

That the white inhabitants fully understood what was the 
true state of the case, is further exemplified by their own pro- 
ceedings, immediately after having taken over the powers ex- 
tended to them by the Special Commissioner. The first President 
of the Republic, Mr. Hoffman, upon taking office, sought inter- 
views with the Native Chiefs, with a Adew to entering into 
Treaty arrangements with them ; and conferences were held 
between him and Moshesh, and between him and Adam Kok, 
when the following preliminary arrangements were arrived at : — 

At a conference with Moshesh on the 16 th and 17 th August, 
1854, various questions as to robberies of stock by Basutos were 
dealt with, and satisfactorily disposed of ; the assent of Moshesh 
was obtained to an arrangement that " no Native should be 
allowed to enter the Free State without a printed pass, signed 
by one of the missionaries ; " and it was amicably agreed that 
the land boundary question should await settlement until the 
orders given respecting the robbery cases had been carried out. 

The conference with Captain Adam Kok was authorized by 
an unanimous resolution of the Yolksraad, and took place on the 
28th September, 1854. On that occasion, the President of the 
Free State stated it to be " his own, as well as the general wish, 
to live on terms of friendship and peace with the Griqua Nation ; " 
and Captain Kok represented that " it was his desire, and that 
of his people, not to sign a formal Treaty until reference should 
have been first made to Her Majesty's Special Commissioner, 
whether he would still consent to ratify the scale of compen- 
sation for farms in the Alienable Territory, proposed by him a 
few weeks since ; " and Mr. Hoffman, at the request of the Griqua 
Chief, promised that he and the Volksraad would assist in 
obtaining His Excellency's consent to the arrangement. An 
adjournment of the conference took place until the 29th Sep- 
tember, on which date it was agreed (1) that a limited supply of 
ammunition should be furnished to Captain Adam Kok, " pend- 
ing the conclusion of a Treaty between him and the Free State ; " 


(2) that Captain Adam Kok should undertake to settle the 
boundary lines between Cornelis Kok, Waterboer, and the Free 
State, and report the result to the Free State Government ; and 

(3) that Captain Adam Kok should render the Landdrost of 
Fauresraith all the assistance in his power as regarded the settle- 
ment of disputed land claims within the so-called Inalienable 

Mr. Boshof, the second President, also gave his attention to 
the same questions, and in a letter to Sir George Grey, the 
Governor of this Colony, dated the 13th June, 1856, stated that, 
in pursuance of the desire of the Volksraad, the Chief Adam 
Kok had undertaken to lay down and define the boundary lines 
between his own territory, that of N. "Waterboer, and that of 
C. Kok ; and that the result of Adam Kok's decision was that 
" Waterboer's line, as thus defi^ned, cut off several farms which 
had been sold by subjects of the two Koks to burghers of the 
Free State," thus confirming the previous recognition of the 
independence of the Natives. 

In further proof of the admission by the Free State Govern- 
ment that the lands claimed by Waterboer between the Vaal 
River and the line from Ramah to Platberg were, at the time of 
the Convention with Sir G. R. Clerk, beyond the limits of the 
territory which the white inhabitants at that time possessed, it 
may be mentioned that from 1854 to 1858, lands within those 
limits were professedly alienated, both by grant and sale, by a 
Griqua named Cornelis Kok, who is represented by the Free 
State Government itself to have been an independent territorial 
Chief ; but this is denied by Waterboer, who states that, although 
the said C. Kok was at one time a petty officer under his Govern- 
ment, he had been removed from office for misconduct long before 
the land transactions in question, and had at no time had the 
power to dispose of Griqua territory. 

These facts conclusively establish the position which was laid 
down in an earlier part of this Memorandum, viz. that the 
British Government had not acquired and did not possess lands 
within the boundary claimed by Waterboer, and that it only 
ceded or purported to cede to the white inhabitants those lands 
which it did possess. The question then arises, \\ hat is the 
boundary of Waterboer's territory on the side of the Orange Free 
State ? And that boundary, as already stated, was defined by 


Treaty between the two branches of the Griqua Nation in 1838, 
to run from Ramah, on the Orange River, northwards to Plat- 
berg. The Free State Government disputes this line, and 
declares, as a boundary between Griqualand West and that 
State, a certain other line denominated the Vetberg line, which, 
instead of running, as the former line runs, parallel to the course 
of the Vaal River, cuts at right angles to it, and gives to the 
Free State a very extensive tract of country claimed by Water- 
boer as belonging to his territory. Waterboer has always been 
willing and anxious to settle the question of right to the tract 
of land in question by arbitration, but could never obtain the 
consent of the Free State Government to submit its claim to 
such an ordeal. And the British Government, in notifying to 
that of the Free State its accession to the prayer of Waterboer 
and his people to be received as British subjects, intimated its 
"willingness to allow the question of boundary to be still the 
subject of decision by arbitration ; and that offer is still open. 

With reference to the allegation contained in the Protest, 
that the Native tribes by which the white inhabitants were 
surrounded had been rendered the enemies of the latter by reason 
of wars waged upon them by the British Government, it may 
distinctly be stated that nothing could be more at variance with 
the true history of the country than such an assertion as this. 

The Native tribes with which the people of European extrac- 
tion were brought into contact were those already mentioned ; 
and with none of those tribes had war ever been waged by the 
British Government, but, on the contrary, the most friendly 
relations had been maintained, and continued to exist at the 
time of the withdrawal of Her Majesty's sovereignty. 

The action taken on two occasions by the British Resident, 
Major Warden, who deemed it necessary to interfere in certain 
tribal disputes, cannot be considered as having to any appreciable 
extent disturbed those amicable relations, much less to have 
involved the white inhabitants, seeing that, with the exception 
of a single small detachment, they took no part in the proceed- 
ings. And with regard to the brief interruption of friendly 
relations with the Basuto Chief Moshesh, which lasted but a few 
days, it should be stated that the employment of force was 
resorted to for the recovery of a certain number of cattle which 
the white inhabitants alleged had been stolen from them by the 


Basutos, and that the misunderstanding terminated in a Treaty 
amply renewing the friendly relations which had always previously 
existed. No disturbance of those relations ever again occurred ; 
and so far were Moshesh and his people from cherishing any 
unfriendly feeling against the British Government that, in 1869, 
the Basutos were, in compliance with their own urgent and long- 
continued appeals to Her Majesty, through the Government of 
this Colony, received as British subjects. 

This is the true state of the case as regards the British 
Government and the Native tribes environing the white people ; 
but the same friendly relations had not existed between those 
tribes and the white people themselves, as will be apparent from 
a consideration of the following circumstances : — 

Up to the year 1844, there had been frequent complaints from 
the Griquas of East Griqualand, addressed to the Government of 
this Colony, against the British subjects who had taken up their 
abode in that country, as already mentioned ; and the successive 
Governors respectively issued proclamations and public notices 
warning those subjects against so misconducting themselves, as 
the following extracts from their proclamations will show : — 

Extract from Sir George Napier's Proclamation of the 3rd 
November, 1872: — 

" And I further warn all such subjects as aforesaid against 
all invasions of, or aggression ujaon, the territories or persons of 
any Native tribes or rulers. And in order more fully to impress 
all parties concerned, with the determination of Her Majesty's 
Government to discountenance to the uttermost all such unjust 
invasions or aggressions, I have caused to be subjoined hereunto 
a copy of my Proclamation of the 7th day of September last, 
including certain additions made thei'eto on the recommendation 
of His Honour the Lieutenant-Governor." 

Extract from the subjoined Proclamation above mentioned : — 

" I do hereby proclaim and make known to all such emigrants 
as aforesaid, and more particularly to those residing in the 
"vdcinity of the Chiefs above mentioned," — viz. Moshesh, Moroko, 
Lepuy, Karolus Baatje, Barend Barends, and Adam Kok, — 
" that Her Majesty will regard with the liveliest indignation 
any attempt upon the part of any of her subjects to molest, 
invade, or injure any of the Native tribes, or to take or maintain 
unlawful possession of any of the lands to these tribes belonging ; 


that, by any such attempt, the offending parties will forfeit all 
claims to Her Majesty's protection and regard, and be held by 
her to have placed themselves in an attitude of resistance to her 
will and authority, and will inevitably expose themselves to all 
the penal consequences which may, by force of the Act of Parlia- 
ment in that case made and provided, attend upon any criminal 
acts which may be by them committed." 

Extracts from Lieutenant-Governor Hare's Declaration, dated 
at Colesberg, the 2nd January, 1843 : — 

" Information had been received by Government that a body 
of emigrant farmers, chieily, if not wholly, composed of those 
who, at Alleman's Drift, had, some time previous, renounced 
their allegiance to Her Majesty, had recently assembled near 
Philippolis, with the apparent intention of attacking and destroy- 
ing the Chief Adam Kok and his people — had actually seized 
upon and forcibly possessed themselves of a quantity of firearms, 
the property of Griqua subjects, and had, in a most wanton, 
cruel, and insulting manner, devastated their fields of corn when 

* ***** 

" Such unjust and lawless proceedings on the part of Her 
Majesty's subjects have imperatively called for the instant inter- 
ference of the Government, and the Lieutenant-Governor has 
come himself to the northern border, with a large force of Her 
Majesty's troops, with a firm determination of putting a period 
to the lawless state of society existing beyond the boundary, and 
to the constant disorders created by those of the emigrants who 
have withdrawn themselves from their allegiance to their lawful 
Government, by enforcing unconditional submission to the 
Government and the laws from every British subject beyond 
the boundary." 

Notwithstanding these commands, those subjects of Her 
Majesty proceeded, in 1844, to attack the Griquas, and British 
troops were sent to the scene of action to protect the natives ; 
and at a later period (in the year 1848), when a large number of 
the white people openly rebelled against the authority of the 
British Government, the Chief Adam Kok, at the head of several 
hundreds of his people, joined with and aided the British troops 
in quelling the rebellion, and Moshesh and other chiefs expressed 
their willingness to do the same if their services were required. 

It will thus be seen that, up to this period (1848), so far 


from the Natives being enemies of the white inhabitants because 
of wars waged upon them by the British Government, the reverse 
was the case, the wars being waged by those white inhabitants, 
and the British Government having actively aided the Natives 
to protect themselves from those attacks. 

As regards the charge that the Convention of 1854 had been 
infringed by the action taken by the British Government in pro- 
hibiting the "free transit" of ammunition, although solemnly 
bound by an article of that Convention to allow it, it should be 
observed that the stipulation of that Convention on this subject 
stands as follows, viz. : — (Article 8) " The Orange River Govern- 
ment shall have freedom to purchase their supplies of ammunition 
in any British Colony or possession iu South Africa, subject to 
the laws provided for the regulation of the sale and transit of 
ammunition in such Colonies and Possessions." 

The laws and regulations referred to in this Article provide 
that all persons desiring to purchase arms and ammunition must, 
before doing so, obtain permits from certain officers in the district 
in which the purchase is to be made, and no ammunition beyond 
a limited quantity can be conveyed from one part of the Colony 
to another, or beyond the boundaries of the Colony, unless 
the person conveying it provide himself with a similar special 

The object for which these laws were enacted was to prevent 
arms and ammunition from getting into the hands of those who, 
it might be thought, would be likely to make use of the same in 
a way adverse to the interests of the Colony. 

At the commencement of the last war between the Orange 
Free State and the Basutos, the Governor of the Colony, Sir 
P. E. Wodehouse, issued a Proclamation commanding all British 
subjects to abstain from taking part in that war on either side, 
and, in fact, to observe a strict neutrality. During the progress 
of the war, it was reported in the newspaper published at Bloem- 
fontein, the seat of the Free State Government, that an officer 
of that Government was in communication with British subjects, 
and endeavouring to induce them to raise levies within the 
Colony to take part with the Free State against the Basutos, — 
holding out the inducement that all stock or other property 
which they might succeed in taking from the Basutos should be 
retained by them as compensation for their services ; and the 


same paper stated that this conduct on the part of the Free 
State officer was approved of by his Government. Upon the 
Governor of this Colony becoming aware of this transaction, he 
addressed a friendly remonstrance thereon to the President of 
the Free State. Correspondence ensued, and was continued 
during several months, in the course of which the Governor 
warned the Free vState Government that, if it persisted in its 
endeavours to induce British subjects from this Colony to become 
freebooters on its side against the Basutos, it would become his 
duty to consider whether he would be justified in permitting this 
Colony to continue the supply of ammunition for cari'ying on 
such a war. The correspondence on the Free State part being 
unsatisfactory to His Excellency, he directed the officers, who 
were by law authorized to grant permits for the purchase 
of arms and ammunition, to discontinue, until the receipt of 
further orders, their issue in favour of the Free State Govern- 

From a consideration of the foregoing remarks, it will be 
perceived, — 

Firstly. That the allegations of the Free State Volksraad, 
as contained in the Protest under review, are based upon an 
entirely erroneous construction of the actual history of the 
country, as the " large tract of country to the south of the 
Vaal River," which the Volksraad claims as having been " for 
a long course of years governed by the Orange Free State, and 
the property of, and inhabited by, Free State subjects," was, 
beyond question, prior to the issue of Sir H, Smith's Proclama- 
tion, the property of the Griquas of Griqualand West ; did not 
by force of that Proclamation cease to be their property ; and 
has never at any subsequent date been alienated by their 
Government ; 

Secondly. That Her Majesty's Special Commissioner, Sir 
George Clerk, in ceding to the white inhabitants the lands to 
the north of the Oi-ange River, which belonged to the British 
Government, did not cede, or profess to cede, any portion of the 
territory of the Chief Waterboer ; and that the Government 
of the Orange Free State, at the beginning and during the 
earlier period of its existence, well understood that the term 
" Sovereignty," under the British rule, and the term " Orange 
Free State," under the rule of the Government of that Republic, 


did not comprise the territories of the Native tribes by which 
the white inhabitants were surrounded ; and 

Thirdly. That the temporary refusal of permits to the Free 
State Government for the purchase of supplies of ammunition 
arose from special circumstances, which, in the judgment of the 
then Governor of this Colony, rendered it imperative upon him 
to take immediate measures to prevent the misuse of the privilege 
in question. 

In conclusion, it may be added that much of the land in 
dispute was, at the date of Sir Henry Barkly's Proclamation, 
the property of and held by British subjects and subjects of 
other European States, and had never, at any previous time, 
been the property of subjects of the Orange Free State, and 
that the attempt on the part of the Free State Government 
to assume rule and jurisdiction over that tract of country must 
be held to have been an usurpation of the rights of an inde- 
pendent Native Government, too weak to resist that usurpation 
by force of arms. The knowledge of this, and of the yet more 
extensive act of encroachment which the Governments of the 
Orange Free State and the South African Republic were adopting 
means to accomplish, by which a large portion of the territories 
of the Griquas and other Natives, within which a great and 
increasing number of British subjects were located, were to have 
been appropriated by those States, compelled the Government 
of this Colony to interfere, to prevent the said British subjects 
from becoming parties to aggressions on Native tribes with which 
this Government had ever been on the most friendly terms. 

The right to possession or occupation on the part of the Free 
State has from the tirst been denied by the Chief Waterboer, 
and that Chief has, throughout the dispute, endeavoured to 
induce the Free State to consent to a settlement by means of 
a fair and honourable arbitration. The Free State Government 
has, however, persistently declined to submit its asserted rights 
to the ordeal of any practicable arbitration ; and the endeavours 
of the Colonial Government, which has constantly urged upon 
the Free State the propriety of settling the matters in dispute 
in the manner proposed by Waterboer, have hitherto been without 

R. SouTHEY, Colonial Secretary. 
Colonial Office, '22ik1 April, 1872. 




THE armed opposition to British rule in the Transvaal, the 
natural outcome of the way in which that country was 
taken possession of in Her Majesty's name three years ago, and 
since attempted to be governed without the existence therein 
of an adequate coercive force to ensure obedience to law on the 
part of the large majority of the inhabitants, and the certainty 
that if Her Majesty's Government adheres to their resolution to 
hold that country as a British possession a large military force 
must be maintained there for many years at a very heavy 
expense to the Imperial Government, unless some means can 
be devised by which to neutralize and render comparatively 
harmless the discontented element, at present much too powerful 
in that fine country, render it desirable to consider what means 
are practicable to accomplish that end. 

Under these circumstances I venture to place on record some 
thoughts and suggestions which, if acted upon, would, in my 
judgment, change that country from a source of weakness into 
one of strength as a part of Her Majesty's colonial possessions, 
and would also tend to diminish the difficulties at present in the 
way of a federal union of the several South African colonies. 

There is a large extent of unoccupied land in the Transvaal, 
very little, I believe, belonging to the Crown, but much of it 
belonging to persons who have accepted grants on condition of 
paying to the Government an annual quitrent of thirty shillings 
per farm of three thousand morgen (six thousand acres), that 
mode of raising a revenue out of which to defray the moderate 
cost of their system of Government having been the most popular 


mode with the people. No (or very little) difficulty was ex- 
perienced in the acquisition of as many farms as a person who 
had become a " burgher " of the State was willing to pay the 
quitrent for. Hence, as I have been credibly informed, there 
are persons possessing a hundred or more farms, and others from 
ten to tifty, nearly all of which are practically unoccupied. 

One effect of this system of disposing of Government lands 
has been to keep the price of unoccupied lands at a very low 
rate, and farms of 6000 acres have frequently been sold at 
merely nominal sums, £25 to £50. No doubt prices even of 
such lands, have risen considerably since the country came 
under Her Majesty's rule ; but in all probability they will fall 
again as a consequence of the rebellion, as many owners of lands 
are likely to quit the country. 

These circumstances are favourable to the introduction of 
emigrants from Great Britain on an extensive scale, and if a 
scheme were devised by means of which a large number of 
English farmers could be placed in the occupation of lands in 
the Transvaal as the owners thereof, the maintenance of a large 
military force there would soon become unnecessary. 

The land in many parts of the Transvaal is admirablyadapted 
for agricultural farming, and wheat and other cereals grow 
luxuriantly upon it, as do also root crops, fruits, and vegetables 
of all kinds. The great drawbacks in the way of successful 
agricultural farming heretofore in South Africa have been un- 
suitability of soil in some parts, the scarcity of centres of 
population as markets where supply would not soon exceed 
demand, the consequent great distances that agricultural produce 
had to be conveyed before it found a profitable market, the bad 
roads, and the expensive mode of transport rendered needful in 
consequence. The existence of these hindrances has induced 
owners of land to turn their attention more to grazing than 
agriculture, and latterly in particular to ostrich farming. 

For ordinary grazing purposes — where the stock consists of 
horned cattle, sheep, goats, and horses, all dependent upon the 
natural herbage — large extents of land are needful. For ostriches 
much smaller extents will suffice ; and ostrich farming, having 
become a settled and a profitable industry, affords an opportunity 
for persons to farm successfully upon much less land than was 
formerly absolutely needful. 

2 B 


The Transvaal abuts upon Natal, the Orange Free State, and 
Griqualand West, none of which produces sufficient grain and 
other farm produce for their consumption; and in Griqualand 
West in particular, the demand at all times has been largely 
in excess of the supply, and prices have in consequence ruled 
exceedingly high. Heretofore supplies have been drawn to the 
diamond fields (Griqualand West) mainly from the Transvaal, 
Basutoland, and one or two of the north-eastern districts of this 
Colony, but, as before said, in insufficient quantities. 

The Cape Colony does not produce bread stuffs sufficient for 
the consumption of its people, and large importations of wheat 
and flour are annually made from Australia, America, and other 
countries. If, therefore, measures can be adopted for securing a 
more extensive cultivation of the parts of South Africa adapted 
to the production of wheat, a general public benefit will result 

The introduction of some thousands of emigrants from Great 
Britain into the Transvaal, and their location in well-selected 
parts of that territory upon sufficient land, to enable them to 
farm profitably, would, in my opinion, be the best and readiest 
means of accomplishing so desirable an object. 

The Transvaal is rich in mineral wealth — coal, lead, with 
various percentages of silver, gold, etc., have been found in 
considerable abundance — but the great bulk of the population 
being persons who care little about anything but stock farm- 
ing, no great advantage has as yet been derived therefrom. A 
well-conducted stream of immigration into the country would 
soon lead to the development of these rich deposits of natural 
wealth. In the first instance, however, I should deem it 
essential to success that immigration should be restricted to 
persons accustomed to agriculture. From them would grow 
up those who would take the initiative in regard to the natural 

Immigration into the country to be a success in the accom- 
plishment of the objects I deem to be essential, politically, and in 
the utilization of the at present unproductive lands, should be 
on a large scale, and the emigrants should be carefully selected 
and properly placed. They should, in my opinion, be married 
couples, with or without families, the preference being given 
to those with families. Unmarried persons would not be suitable. 


The heads of the families should not be over 40 years of age. It 
would of course be desirable that the immigrants should possess 
some means of their own wherewith to support themselves for 
the first year, to purchase needful articles for household use, 
agricultural implements, etc., but the amount need not be large 
if the emigrants are of the right sort. 

Besides having to procure some household furniture, etc., the 
immigrants would require house shelter. This could be con- 
structed by themselves — in this climate very slender shelter 
suffices to satisfy absolute wants — and materials sufficient for the 
purpose would be procurable on their own ground. 

I assume that if the Government held out the inducement to 
such emigrants as I have suggested, that on their arrival in the 
country they would at once be placed upon a farm of^f rom one to 
two thousand acres in extent, according to the capabilities of the 
land, and that the land should become their own upon the fulfil- 
ment of certain easy conditions, which I will presently describe, 
there would ai'ise a large number of applicants from which to 
select the number required. 

I propose that the number of families should be five thousand, 
and that they should be sent out in batches to be regulated by 
the means available for transport from port of debarkation to 
their locations in the Transvaal. The port or ports of debarka- 
tion should be those from whence transport to the several localities 
in the Transvaal can best be made available. Transport will be 
expensive, and on that account it may perhaps be needful that, 
in the first instance, the Government should advance the money 
to defray the cost, though I am of opinion that if the offer of 
land be made on a liberal scale, some persons may take advantage 
of it who are able to pay their own way, I presume that all 
would be able to pay for their passages by sea in suitable ships 
to be chartered by Government. 

In an undertaking of this kind the first thing needful will be 
money. That should be obtained by the Government of the 
country by the issue of debentures, which debentures should, 
I think, be issued under the guarantee of the Imperial Govern- 
ment, so that the rate of interest to be paid to the lenders might 
be low, say 4 per cent. The amount required would depend 
upon the extent of land to be purchased and the expenses to be 
incurred. I have said the extent of land to be allotted to each 


head of family should be from one to two thousand acres. At 
an average of 1500 acres to each of the 5000 immigrants, the 
extent of land required would be 7,500,000 acres. The amount 
of money needful to purchase that extent of land, supposing 
the price to be paid to be at the rate of £100 for 2000 acres, 
would be £375,000. Suppose the transport to cost an equal sum 
of £100 per family, and that a like amount should be found 
requisite for the purchase of articles wherewith to commence life 
in the new country, that would raise the whole amount to be 
advanced to £1,375,000; and if the Imperial Government were 
to obtain a vote for it and make a free grant of it for the object 
proposed, it would be money well spent, and would be repaid to 
the nation over and over again within a few years in indirect 
ways — such as the saving of military expenditure, increased 
trade, etc., etc. That, however, is not my proposal. My pro- 
posal is that the money should be repaid by the immigrants. 

If the full amount of £1,375,000 should be required it would 
be £275 per family. The interest on that, at 5 per cent., would 
be £13 15s. I think the immigrants might fairly be required to 
pay 1 per cent, more than that to be paid on the loan by Govern- 
ment, and that this difference might be used to cover expenses of 
agencies, etc., in connection with the purchase of land, the selec- 
tion of emigrants in England, superintending their location, and 
such like ; or if the money cannot be raised under the guarantee 
of the Imperial Government, and therefore not at a lower rate 
than 5 per cent., and that in consequence the immigrants should 
have to pay 6 per cent., the annual amount to be paid by each 
family for interest would be £16 lOs. I propose that they should 
pay interest at the rate of 5 or 6 per cent., as the case may be, 
and a further sum of £10 per annum, at least, in reduction of the 
capital. Suppose each family to have to pay £30 per annum for 
interest and in reduction of capital. I consider that if the 
emigrants are properly selected, and are consequently steady and 
industrious people, they would after the first year be well able to 
do this. They would also have to pay the annual quit-rent, 
which, reckoned at the rate of 30s. per annum on 6000 acres — 
the ordinary rate now paid by resident proprietors — would, on 
1500 acres, amount to 7s. ^d. ; add 2s. 6d. for stamp on receipt, 
and you have 10s. to be paid annually under that head. There 
is also a small amount leviable on landed proprietors for " railway 


tax," for a supposed line to be some day constructed to con- 
nect the Transvaal with Delagoa Bay. That, under the now 
altered circumstances of the country, should no longer be col- 
lected, and the idea of constructing that line should be abandoned ; 
however, if continued, 20s. per annum on 1500 acres would cover 
all the taxes that land in the Transvaal is subject to. 

As I have before said, the main obstacles in the way of exten- 
sive cultivation in this country have been unsuitable soil for the 
production of wheat in some parts, scarcity of markets within 
reachable distances from other parts where the soil is suitable, 
bad roads and difficulties of transport, and the preference which 
a large proportion of our farming population have for a pastoral 
life. Many of these hindrances, and in time all, would be over- 
come if a large number of English emigrants, properly selected, 
were bi-ought into the Transvaal, for lands adapted to the culti- 
vation of wheat in particular would be selected for locating 
them on, and they would themselves accomplish the rest. 

Before long a railway would become indispensable between 
Griqualand West and the Transvaal, and would be undertaken 
partly by the Cape and partly by the Transvaal Governments, 
each within its own boundaries ; but before that, if wheat in 
large quantities and at moderate prices were procurable at one 
or more central positions in the Transvaal, companies or indi- 
viduals other than the immigrant producers would manage the 
transport, and sales would be made on the spot. 

As regards a railway, I should mention that between Griqua- 
land West and the Transvaal there is an intervening space of 
Native territory under the Keate award, but there would be no 
difficulty in obtaining as much of it as might be needed for 
railway purposes. There are no engineering difficulties to be 
encountered between Kimberley and Potchefstrotn, neither would 
there be between any other parts of Griqualand West and the 
Transvaal — supposing a line from Kimberley to Potchefstrom 
not to be the most desirable one for accomplishing the object 
aimed at. The distance between those two places is under 250 
miles, the country for most part level or slightly undulating. 

The Cape Colony is certain to carry its western line of 
railway, which now extends from Capetown to Beaufort West, 
on to Kimberley, so that in the course of a few years we should 
have railway communication from Table Bay into the heart 


of the Transvaal, which would open up a vast trade and develop 
resources which people at present little dream of. There is an 
abundance of coal in the Transvaal, while at present fuel is very- 
scarce and enormously dear at the diamond fields, where it is 
required in large quantities. 

The foregoing was written at Capetown when the Transvaal 
Boers were in open rebellion, with the intention of being sent to 
Sir Geoi'ge Colley if he succeeded in forcing his way through 
the mountain barriers between Natal and the Transvaal, and 
re-established Her Majesty's authority in the latter territory. 
Under the now existing altered circumstances it would not be 
practicable, of course, to act upon the suggestions within the 
Transvaal, but it might not be impossible to acquire suitable 
lands from the Natives whose territories abut upon the western 
and north-western boundaries of it. I am disposed to think 
that the Natives would gladly do all they could to encourage 
the formation of a British settlement between them and the 
Transvaal. Some years ago Montsioa (the Baralong Chief) 
offered to give me " a fountain " with a considerable tract of 
territory around it, his object being to check encroachments 
from the Transvaal people. " 

London, April 19, 1884. 

The last paragraph was written on the date above, when 
I sent a copy to Lord Carnarvon. — R. S. 



THE Native location known as Glen Grey — in the Queens- 
town division — was a portion of Tembuland from a period 
far beyond the memory of the oldest inhabitants. Until some forty 
or fifty years ago, the boundary of this Colony was extended to 
the White Kei ; this extension brought Glen Grey — a district 
thiclily populated by Tembookies — within the colonial limits. A 
Resident Agent, the late Mr. J, C. Warner (who had previously 
been a missionary belonging to the Wesleyan body, and stationed 
in that neighbourhood) was appointed to reside among them, 
to I'epresent the Government, and with the aid and co-operation 
of the Chiefs, to administer justice as best he could. This 
state of things worked fairly well for some years, but a 
circumstance occurred which made Mr. Warner desirous of re- 
moving, with his people, beyond the boundary of the Colony. 
He had been administering Kafir law, and inflicted a heavy fine, 
or some other punishment, on a man of some influence, who 
appealed to, or brought the case under review of " the next 
ensuing Circuit Court," when the judgment of "the Court 
below " was reversed, and Mr. Warner admonished by the 
Circuit Judge (believed to have been the late Mr. Justice 
W^atermeyer), and cautioned against applying Kafir law to people 
x'esident in the Colony, for by so doing he might get himself 
into serious difiiculties. This alarmed Mr. Warner, and set him 
on the look-out for an opportunity of moving with his people 
beyond the Colonial border, and in course of time such au 
opportunity appeared to have arrived. Mr. Warner believed it 
to be impossible to manage the people effectually if the laws of 
the Colony must be adhered to, and that for many years the 
Native laws should be applied, hence his anxiety to move them 


over the border. During Sir George Grey's period of Govern- 
ment, the Amagaleka and the Amaxosa Kafirs — i.e. the Kafirs 
occupying the country between the Keiskama and the Bashee 
Rivers, from the sea upwards to Tambookie land — instigated 
thereto by one of their prophets, who again was supposed to have 
been put up to it by the Chiefs, with a view to bringing about a 
war with the Colony, destroyed their cattle and grain, and other 
means of livelihood, and brought things to a state bordering on 
war. Kreli, the great Galeka Chief, and his people were 
believed to be at the head of this movement, and Sir George 
determined to nip it in the bud by driving them out of their 
counti'y between the Kei and Bashee Rivers, to beyond the 
latter, and to keep them there. Sir Walter Currie, Commandant 
of the Frontier Armed and Mounted Police, was instructed to 
carry this out by means of his force and such volunteers as 
he could induce to co-operate with him. This duty he accom- 
plished, and among those who aided and assisted him were many 
Tambookies, both from Glen Grey and from the main body of 
Tambookies beyond the Kei ; thus the whole country, theretofore 
owned and occupied by the most powerful and most dangerous 
of the Kafir tribes, became depopulated, the people being forced 
over the Bashee into Boravanaland ; and one or two police 
stations were established near the Bashee to keep it so until the 
Governor could devise measures for occupying it by a less 
dangerous population. Before Sir George could accomplish this 
he was called away to New Zealand, where serious troubles 
had arisen, and was succeeded in the Government here by Sir 
Philip Wodehouse. This change of Governors caused delay, but 
ultimately it was decided to divide the country into farms, and 
to allot them to farmers, as had previously been done in the 
Queenstown, Peddie, and Victoria East Divisions, provided 
that the Imperial Government would contribute annually, for 
a certain number of years, a portion of the expense to be 
incurred for the maintenance of a police force, to be stationed 
on the border between the farmers and the country into 
which Kreli and his people had been driven. This was con- 
sidered an essential part of the plan, the force to be maintained 
thei-e until the farmers became strong enough to hold their 
own. The Imperial Government agreed to this, and matters 
appeai'ed to be progressing favourably up to 1864, when the 


Parliament sat in Grahamstown. At this time Commandant 
Bowker, who had from the first been in command of the 
police force in the Transkei, was called to Grahamstown 
to confer with the Governor on various matters respecting the 
country which he had been keeping unoccupied, and he had not 
been long there before an express arrived bringing a letter from 
the officer in command during his absence, reporting that he had 
received information from a member of their "Intelligence 
Department," who had been beyond the Bashee, that Kreli in- 
tended to attack their post on the clay following that on which 
he wrote, and to repossess himself of his old country. This letter 
was at once submitted to the Governor by Sir Walter Currie and 
Mr. Bowker, and after consultation between them and General 
Sir James Jackson (the Lieutenant-Governor and Commander of 
the Forces), orders went off to all the police-stations to move 
every available man to the front, and Sir "Walter Currie and 
Commandant Bowker left next day to join them, and on ai'rival 
at the principal police-station near the Bashee found things much 
as they were when Mr. Bowker left. No attack had been made, 
nor any movement indicating more danger than had previously 
existed. Of course, this moA^ement was soon pretty generally 
known, and there were men in Grahamstown who did not 
believe that what Kreli was alleged to have said implied an 
intention of making an immediate attack, but that he hoped to 
be able to do so some day, and was on the watch for a favourable 
opportunity. Unfortunately, however, the day on which the 
report was received happened to be English mail-day, and before 
these views could be brought to the Governor's notice, Despatches 
had gone off conveying the intelligence to the Home Govern- 
ment ; and it was not long before replies were received intimating 
the cancellation of the agreement to contribute a portion of the 
cost of an effective police force, and leaving the Government here 
at liberty to adopt some other course than the one contemplated 
for tilling up the vacant territory. There was now only a choice 
between two evils. It was not deemed safe to endeavour to keep 
the country unoccupied much longer by means of the small police 
force that could be spared for it, and either Kreli and his followers 
must be allowed to return to it, or some other natives must be 
located there. The latter course was deemed the most desirable ; 
but then, what Natives? became the question. Mr. Warner 


pleaded strongly in favour of Kreli being allowed to re-occupy a 
portion of it, not so much out of commiseration for him and his 
people, but to relieve the Amabomvanas from the overcrowding 
of their country occasioned by Kreli and his followers having 
been forced in among them. The Government was aware of this 
overcrowding, and had endeavoured to induce Kreli and his people 
to move further on in the direction of Kokstadt, but this they 
declined, so it was ultimately decided to divide the territory 
between the Kei and Bashee into three portions ; to allow Kreli 
to re-occupy the lower portion from the sea upwards, to place 
Fingos in the middle portion, and Tambookies in the upper 
portion. And now came, as he thought and hoped, Mr. Warner's 
opportunity to remove the Glen Grey people over the border. 
He obtained the Governor's sanction for it, provided they con- 
sented to do so, but there was to be no compulsion. Before that 
sanction was given he was asked pointedly, " Will they all go 
voluntarily 1 " He said they would, and he thoroughly believed 
it. But he ultimately found they would not, and he recommended 
the application of force, which was refused. It was left to Mr. 
Warner to arrange with Kreli and his people to re-occupy the 
lower portion of the territory, subject to certain conditions ; and 
with the Glen Grey and other Tambookies, the upper portion ; 
while to Sir Walter Currie was allotted the duty of collecting 
Fingos from the Peddie and Victoria East Districts to occupy the 
middle portion. With these also no compulsion was to be used. 
These duties were carried out satisfactorily, except with regard 
to the Glen Grey people. It was a mistake ever to have supposed 
that all of them would go, for there were among them a goodly 
number who preferred Colonial to Kafir law. 




IN refutation of the many inaccuracies and errors occurring 
in the Memorandum, mentioned in the Government Notice 
No. 221, dated 25th April, 1872, signed by the Colonial Secretary 
of the Cape Colony and published in the Government Gazette of 
the Cape Colony of the 20th April, 1872, the State President 
has been pleased to publish the following reply for general 
information : — 

By command of the State President, 


Government Secretary. 
Government Office, 

Bloemfontein, 10th June, 1872. 


The Memorandum of the Government of the Cape Colony 
commences with a summing-up, according to their views and in 
their words, of the grounds and arguments mentioned in the 
Protest of the Volksraad of the Orange Free State, issued on the 
4th December last, against the forcible seizure by Her Britannic 
Majesty's High Commissioner of the territory which had, for a 
series of years, been under the jurisdiction and authority of the 
Government of the Orange Free State ; but it contains only a 
partial statement of these grounds and arguments. 

It entirely omits to state and makes no mention whatever, 
that besides the argument, drawn from the fact, that the authority 
and jurisdiction of Her Britannic Majesty over the territory 
known as the Orange River Territory, and situated between 
the Orange River, the Vaal River, and the Drakensberg, was 
proclaimed by Proclamation of the 3rd February, 1848, and 
that the government over that territory was made over by the 


Convention of the 2.'>r(l February, 18.")4, to the representatives, 
deputed for that i)urposo by the inliabitants of that territory ; — 
there are many other arguments advanced in the Protest, viz. 
that Her Britannic Majesty's Government issued between the 
years 1848-1852 no less than thirty-three British land certificates 
to white persons, then in possession and occupation of the lands, 
within the territory now — after the discovery of diamonds — for 
the first time claimed by Her Britannic Majesty's Government, 
on behalf of Captain N. Waterboer, and afterwards forcibly 
seized by them ; and that by Article 4 of the Convention of the 
23rd February, 1854, it was stipulated by Her Britannic Majesty's 
Special Commissioner, that those persons should be guaranteed 
in the possession thereof; that the Vetberg line, made by Captain 
A. Kok in 1855, was accepted by the Government of the Orange 
Free State in 1856, under condition that the owners of lands, 
over that line, for which three British land certificates had been 
issued, should remain in the undisturbed possession thereof and 
continue under the jurisdiction and authority of our Goverment ; 
that this was communicated to Her Britannic Majesty's then 
High Commissioner, Sir George Grey, who expressed his gratifica- 
tion at the satisfactory settlement of the Griqua boundary line ; 
that since that time the proprietors of farms, within and on the 
Vetberg line, have, partly upon British and partly upon Orange 
Free State titles, remained in the possession thereof, and under 
the jurisdiction of the Government of the Orange Free State ; 
and that in 1870, after the discovery of diamonds, the same tract 
of country, — in which, between the years 1848-1852, British titles 
had been issued, — was first proclaimed and afterwards forcibly 
seized as British territory, from which the Government of the 
Orange Free State, in order to avoid hostile collision with Her 
Britannic Majesty's Government and that of the Cape Colony, 
withdrew under Protest. 

And with reference to the alleged inconsistencies, which are 
supposed to occur in the Protest, and the allegation that the 
Orange Free State cannot found its claim to jurisdiction and 
ownership of the grounds, of which forcible possession has been 
taken by Her Britannic Majesty's High Commissioner, both on 
the Convention of the 23rd February, 1854, and on the agreement 
concerning the Vetberg-line, it is clear, that there exists no 
inconsistency whatever. For by the Proclamation of the 8rd 


February, 1848, Her Britannic Majesty's authority was proclaimed 
over tlie grounds between the Orange Eiver, the Vaal Kiver, and 
the Drakensberg, under the name of the Orange Eiver Territory ; 
and by the Convention the government of that territory was 
transferred to the white inhabitants. Her Britannic Majesty's 
Government is bound by that Convention, and cannot, according 
to justice and equity, maintain as against the Orange Free State, 
eighteen years after the making of the Convention, that they are 
not bound by the description of the territory which was trans- 
ferred ; and the fact that the Government of the Orange Free 
State did, after the making of the Convention, for the sake of 
promoting a good understanding, enter into an agreement with 
Cajjtain N. Waterboer, by which he was allowed to exercise 
jurisdiction and authority within the limits fixed by the agree- 
ment about the Vetberg line, contains nothing inconsistent with 
the above-mentioned. For it was perfectly competent to the 
Government of the Orange Free State, for the sake of peace 
and tranquillity, and a good understanding with the Natives, to 
abandon a part of the rights acquired by the Convention of 1854: 
and the same also applies to the reasoning occurring in the Memo- 
randum concerning the Basutos ; for as no titles had been issued 
by the British Government within the limits appointed by the 
British Kesident, Major Warden, in 1849, for the Basutos and 
the small white population to whom the government of the 
Orange Eiver Territory was transferred by the Convention of 
1854, were only desirous to live in peace and tranquillity, and to 
till their ground, and did not care to exercise sovereignty over 
the lands, which were only inhabited by the Basutos, and to 
cause the same hostile collision with the Basutos as had taken 
place at Viervoet and the Berea, between Her Britannic Majesty's 
Government and the Basutos — a collision which had induced 
Her Britannic Majesty's Government in 1854, on account of the 
great expenses and difficulties connected therewith, to withdraw 
Her Majesty's Sovereignty from the Orange Eiver Territory. 
Besides which, a war broke out in 1856 and 1858, between the 
Orange Free State and the Basutos, on account of the many 
robberies committed by the Basutos. This war was concluded 
by the Treaty of Aliwal, made on the 29th September, 1858, by 
which the line of Major Warden was appointed as the boundary 
line between the Orange Free State and the Basutos. 


It is not necessary for the Orange Free State to justify and 
reconcile all the particulars in the Proclamation of Sir Harry 
Smith, of the ord Fehruary, 1848. It is sufficient to refer to 
the words of the then Attorney-General, Mr. W. Porter, in his 
opinion about the affairs of the Orange Eiver Territory, given 
on the 29th March, 1849, § 6 : " How far the issue of that Procla- 
mation altered, at the moment, the legal character of the relations 
between the Natives and the Queen, it were perhaps inquiring too 
curiously to investigate." 

The Protest of the Orange Free State only refers to the Pro- 
clamation with the view of showing that the territory, of which 
the government was transferred to them by the Convention, 
was bounded by the Orange Eiver, the Vaal River, and the 

The allegation that Her Britannic Majesty's Government had 
no territory in 1854 between the Orange Eiver, the Vaal Eiver, 
and the Drakensberg, except what it had acquired by formal 
treaties from the Natives, and that that alone was transferred, is 
contrary to the Proclamation of Sir H. Smith, of the 3rd February, 
1848, by which Her Britannic Majesty's Sovereignty was proclaimed 
over the territory to the north of the Great Orange Eiver, in- 
cluding that of Moshesh, Moroko, Molitzani, Sinkonyella, Adam 
Kok, Gert Taaibosch, and other smaller Chiefs, as far north as 
the Vaal Eiver, and east to the Quatblamba or Drakensbergen, 
which territory received the name of the Orange Eiver Territory, 
and contrary to the Convention of 1854, by which the govern- 
ment of that territory was transferred to the above-mentioned 

The Proclamation of Sir H. Smith, of the 3rd February, 
1848, made a total change in the former state of affairs ; and 
in that Proclamation Sir H. Smith says, among other things : 
" And I proclaim hereby, that Her Majesty's Government takes 
upon itself the responsibility to these Chiefs, concerning a fair 
compensation for all land now occupied by Her Majesty's sub- 

By virtue of the [Proclamation of the 3rd February, 1848, Her 
Britannic Majesty's Government exercised supremacy over the 
Orange Eiver Territory ; this is confirmed by the Despatch of 
His Excellency Sir George Cathcart, to the Secretary of State 
for the Colonies, dated Fort Beaufort, 20th May, 1852 :— 


" Sir, — On the subject of the affairs of the Orange River 
Sovereignty, within that extensive district of country, nearly lOOO 
miles in circumference, embraced between the Orange and Vaal 
Rivers, with exception of the small insulated territory of the Griqua 
Chief Adam Kok, who, when a I>order Chieftain, obtained a 
Treaty, duly ratified by Her Majesty, which secures to him 
certain independent rights ; the whole population of European 
origin, as well as aborigines, are under Her Majesty's government 
and protection." 

And the government of that territory was transferred by the 
Convention to its white population. 

With respect to the accuracy of the history given in the 
paragraph, containing the words : " No white person," and ending 
with the words : " leased from individual Natives," it will be 
sufiicient to refer to the second paragraph of the above-mentioned 
opinion of the then Attorney- General, Mr. W. Porter, where 
he says : 

§ 2. — " Between the Orange River and the Vaal River, and 
bounded by the Drakensberg range of Mountains on the right, 
lies the new Sovereignty. About the year 1825, or perhaps 
earlier, Colonial cattle-farmers, suifering from the droughts too 
common in the Northern districts of the Colony, and tempted by 
the stronger springs and better herbage to be found beyond the 
Orange River, began to drive their flocks to the other side, in 
search of temporary pasturage. Little or no opposition to these 
movements was made by any parties claiming to be the owners of 
the soil. The regions to which the Colonists first resorted for 
grass and water could scarcely be said to have any actual 
possessors. The Bushmen, the true aborigines of the country, 
had either been exterminated or reduced to slavery, or hunted 
into holes and caverns in the mountains, by conquerors, partly 
Hottentots and partly Kafirs. The whole country was newly 
settled and thinly peopled." 

With reference to the alleged hereditary rights of the Griquas, 
we refer to §§ -i and 5 of the Despatch of Sir H. Smith to Earl 
Grey, dated 20th January, 1851, where he says: 

§ 4. — " I must here assure your Lordship that Adam Kok 
and his followers are mere squatters, and have no more hereditary 
right to the country in question than the Boers themselves, who 
have been in the habit, for many years, for the sake of pasturage, 
of driving their herds and flocks over the Orange River. 

§ 5. — " After mature deliberation and having consulted with 


Adam Kok, with the Boers, and with all the Native Chiefs, I 
proclaimed Her Majesty's Sovereiguty, in order to establish a 
paramount authority in this debateable territory." 

And to the opinion of the then Attorney-General, of the 29th 
March, 1 849, already alluded to, where he says : 

" Whether or not the Griquas were already in the country, 
which they now occupy, when the l>oers first began to cross the 
Orange Eiver, is a point which I heard fiercely disputed in 1845, 
when I was in Griqualand, in attendance upon Sir Peregrine 

" That this point should have been ever mooted, showed the 
recent origin of Griqua right." 

The argument which is sought to be deduced from the 
Proclamation, with reference to the difference of government 
between the white population and the Natives, is answered by 
the then Secretary of State for the Colonies, in his Despatch of 
the 21st June, 1848, where he says : 

" But this is a distinction which is, I apprehend, unknown to 
English Law, and could not be established in a possession of Her 
Majesty, unless, indeed, by legislative measures, expressly taken 
for the purpose. Wherever Her Majesty's Sovereignty is pro- 
claimed, all inhabitants of the region over which it is proclaimed 
become Her subjects, and become moreover subject to English 
law, in the absence of regular laws of their own, unless special 
provision be made to exempt them from it. Nor is this rule 
without practical application and importance, since the difficulty 
arising from the collision between the British laws and Native 
usages might immediately arise unless care be taken to 
prevent it." 

The contention in the paragraph beginning with the words, 
" At no time," and ending with the words, " to discontinue sur- 
veys in that direction," rests entirely and exclusively on the 
saying of Captain N. Waterboer ; and it has already been shown 
in the letters of the State President that Captain N. Waterboer is 
contradicted upon almost every point by written and verbal testi- 
mony. The Government of the Orange Free State invites the 
proof, and emphatically denies, that surveys have been made, 
as alleged, in the grounds situate in the territory now claimed 
on behalf of Captain N. Waterboer. 

It has already repeatedly been proved that Waterboer had no 


lands within the Vetberg line ; for between 1848-1850, thirty (30) 
land certificates were issued by the British Government to white 
persons, who were then in possession of lands between the 
Vetberg line and the land now claimed on his behalf, from 
Eamah to Platberg. And when the Government of the Orange 
Free State informed Captain N. Waterboer, on the 14th June, 
1856, that they would accept the Vetberg line, made by Captain 
A. Kok, on the 5th October, 1855, between him and Captain C. 
Kok, provided the rights of the three British land certificates 
over that line were respected, he acquiesced therein, and since 
that time the owners have always remained in possession thereof. 

The genuineness of the Treaty, alleged by Captain N. 
Waterboer to have been made on the 9th November, 1838, between 
his father and Captain A. Kok, is disputed by the Government of 
the Orange Free State. They have asked in vain that the original 
Treaty may be produced, in order that proof may be given of the 
genuineness of the copy of the alleged Treaty, which has not 
been forthcoming ; and if the reading, which is given to it by the 
Government of the Cape Colony, be adopted, then it is at variance 
with the letter of Captain A. Waterboer, of the 10th February, 
1846, in which he clearly intimates that his lands are situate 
to the south of the Riet River ; with the letter of Captain C. Kok, 
dated 22nd August, 1845; with the Treaty between Captain C. 
Kok and Jan Bloem, made on the 8th August, 1840 ; and with all 
that was said and done by Captain N. Waterboer, before the 
making, at the making, and after the making of the Vetberg line, 
as has been so fully shown in the letters of the State President to 
His Excellency the High Commissioner. The description of that 
line, as given by Captain N. Waterboer, is as follows : " From 
Ramah, on the Orange River, northwards to Platberg ; " whilst 
the words in the disputed Treaty are : " From Ramah to the east, 
along the Colonial boundary (the Orange River j, to the wesi 
to Kheis, and to the north to Platberg." In order, therefore, 
to arrive at the intended Platberg, it is necessary to go back from 
Kheis to Ramah, which is not very usual in the description of 
boundary lines. 

The Proclamation of the 3rd February, 1848, the map and 
the other documents mentioned in the Protest, clearly show that 
the Orange River Territory was bounded by the Vaal River, the 
Orange River, and the Drakensberg ; and the Convention of 1854 

2 c 


transfers the government of that territory to the delegates 
mentioned in the Convention. But even if the contention of the 
Memorandum bo accepted, that the white inhabitants only took 
over the government of themselves and the lands occupied by 
them, by virtue of the Kegulations of Sir H. Smith — a contention 
which is not justified by the words of the Convention, which 
speaks of the government of the Orange Eiver Territory — then 
it must necessarily follow from that allegation that the govern- 
ment of the territory situate between the Vetberg line and the 
line claimed for Captain N. Waterboer, from Eamah to Platberg 
— in which, during the years 1848-1852, thirty-three (3o) British 
land-certificates, were issued to white persons, who were in the 
peaceable and quiet possession thereof — was transferred to the 
white population. 

The Memorandum has not refuted a single proof of the Protest, 
but only repeats allegations, which have fully been disproved 
by the official documents, therein mentioned. 

That the inhabitants, who were against their wish, and in 
spite of numerous petitions against it, burthened with the govern- 
ment of the Orange Eiver Territory, were desirous that the 
disputes which had arisen between Her Majesty's Government 
and the Natives, during their government, should be satisfactorily 
settled, before the withdrawal of Her Majesty's Sovereignty over 
the Orange Eiver Territory, only shows their desire quietly and 
peaceably to carry on their pursuit as cattle farmers and agri- 
culturists, a consummation which they could reasonably :be 
expected to desire, after the battle which had taken place at the 
Berea between Her Britannic Majesty's troops, under the command 
of His Excellency Sir George Cathcart, and the Basutos. 

The propriety of that desire is confirmed by what is 
mentioned in Articles 2 and 3 of the Convention of the 23rd 
February, 1854: 

Article 2. — " The British Government has no alliance what- 
ever with any Native Chief to the northward of the Orange Eiver, 
with the exception of the Griqua Chief, Captain Adam Kok ; and 
Her Majesty's Government has no wish or intention to enter 
hereafter into any treaties which may be injurious or prejudicial 
to the interests of the Orange Eiver Government. 

Article 3. — " With regard to the Treaty existing between the 
British Government and the Chief, Captain Adam Kok, some 


modification of it is indispensable. Contrary to the provisions of 
that Treaty, the sale of lands in the inalienable territory has 
been of frocpent occurrence, and the principal object of the 
Treaty thus disregarded. Her Majesty's Government therefore 
intends to remove all restrictions, preventing Griquas from selling 
their lands ; and measures are in progress for the purpose of 
aifording every facility for such transactions, the Chief, Adam 
Kok, having for himself concurred in and sanctioned the same. 
And with regard to those further alterations arising out of 
the proposed revision or relations with Captain A. Kok, in 
consequence of the aforesaid sales of lauds having from time to 
time been effected in the inalienable territory, contrary to the 
stipulations of the Maitland Treaty, it is the intention of Her 
Majesty's Special Commissioner personally, without unnecessary 
loss of time, to establish the aifairs in Griqualand on a footing 
suitable to the just expectations of all parties." 

A reference to the letters of President Boshoflf, of which 
mention is made in the Memorandum, will clearly show that the 
conclusion which is drawn from them by the Colonial Secretary 
is not in accordance with the scope and contents of those letters, 
as has already been shown in the correspondence. 

The allegation of the Memorandum, founded upon the mere 
saying of Captain N. Waterboer, that Cornelius Kok was no 
independent Chief, is directly contradicted by the letter of the 
then Private Secretary of His Excellency the High Commissioner, 
Mr. R. Southey, written on the 1st May, 1848, to Captain C. Kok^ 
Chief of the Griquas, Campbell Town, which is as follows : — 

Government House, 

Cape Town, 1st May, 1848. 
Sir, — I have the honour, by direction of the High Com- 
missioner, to acknowledge the receipt of your memorial, praying 
to be recognized as a Native Chief in connection with the Colony, 
and to acquaint you that His Excellency has been pleased to 
accede to your prayer, and given directions to Major Warden to 
have the boundaries of your territory properly defined by a 
Land Commission, which will soon enter upon its duties. 
I have the honour to be, Sir, 

Your most obedient humble servant, 

Richard Southey, Secretary. 
Mr. Cornelius Kok, 

Chief of Griquas, Campbell Town. 


And by the many other letters and documents, in which 
Captain C. Kok is recognized as an independent Chief. The 
fact that Captain C. Kok, after the abandonment of the 
Sovereignty, allowed the farms which had been sold by him and 
his people, with the consent of him and his Council, to white 
persons, and which had, with his co-operation and concurrence, 
been transferred in the books of the Eegistrar of Deeds, shows 
that he was satisfied to be under the government of those who 
had taken over the government of the Orange Kiver Territory 
from Her Britannic Majesty's Government. 

The Government of the Orange Free State denies most 
emphatically that Captain N. Waterboer possessed lands or 
exercised any jurisdiction over ground situate between the 
Vetberg line and the line from Ramah to Platberg, which is 
claimed by His Excellency the High Commissioner, Sir H. 
Barkly, on behalf of Captain N. Waterboer. On this point 
they refer to the numerous oral and written proofs, and to the 
fact that Her Britannic Majesty's Government issued during the 
years IS^S-ISSO thirty British land certificates to white persons, 
who were then in possession of the lands situate within the 
Vetberg line, and the three British land certificates over that 
line, issued in 1852, and the further proof which can be given 
by a host of witnesses, who had during the last thirty or forty 
years lived in that vicinity. As has been repeatedly observed, 
the mere assertion of Captain N. Waterboer, that Captain C. Kok 
was his subordinate, cannot be accepted, when it is directly 
at variance with the proof that Captain C. Kok, on the 1st May, 
1848, was recognized by the British Government as Chief of 
the Griquas, of Campbell; and that he did, during the time 
of the British Government, during the years 1848-1854, with 
the consent of his Council, sell farms to white persons, which 
sales were approved by the British Resident and were en- 
registered by the British functionaries in the books of the 
Registrar of Deeds. 

The fact that the original of the alleged Treaty of the 9 th 
November, 1838, between Captain A. Kok and Captain A. Water- 
boer has not been produced, and that the reading given to it by 
the Colonial Government and Captain N. Waterboer, is incon- 
sistent with the letter of Captain A. Waterboer of the 10th 
February, 1846, wherein he describes his territory as situate to 


the south of tlie Eiet River ; and the numerous proofs adduced in 
the letters of the President, to show that Captain A. and Captain 
N. Waterboer never had any grounds within the Vetberg-line, or 
exercised any jurisdiction or authority there, are sufficient evi- 
dence to show the groundlessness of Captain N. Waterboer's claim. 
That the Government of the Orange Free State are correct in 
maintaining that the Native Chiefs, by which the white inhabitants 
were surrounded, had become the enemies of the latter, in conse- 
quence of the wars waged with them by the British Government, is 
proved, amongst other things, by a letter from the Assistant Com- 
missioners Major Hogge and Mr. Owen, to the High Commis- 
sioner, dated 18th December, 1851, which is as follows : — 

" We have also been visited by many of those Boers, who, 
having in like manner obeyed Major Warden's orders to form a 
commando against Molitsani, have since been marked-out by the 
Basutos and their adherents for spoliation." 

And further, by a memorial of Messrs. E. P. Monach, C. 
Richards, Thomas White, and others, to the Assistant Commis- 
sioners, to be found at page 19 of the before-mentioned "Blue 
book," where the memorialists say : — 

1. "In our opinion, the troubles and misfortunes which have 
befallen the Sovereignty, are clearly attributable to our uncalled- 
for interference in the quarrels of the numerous and powerful 
tribes who surround us. Our attempts to control these tribes in 
their relations with one and another might, in our opinion, be in 
any circumstances liable to question, as a measure of sound policy. 
To make such an attempt and to assume towards those tribes an 
over-bearing tone and threatening attitude, when we have scarcely 
a sufficiency of troops to protect the town and fort of Bloem- 
fontein, we deem it peculiarly impolitic and unfortunate ; such a 
course being calculated to stir up jealousies and animosities 
among the tribes themselves, and hatred and revenge against the 
Government and its white subjects. Yet our Government cannot 
command a force sufficient either to put its threats into execution, 
or protect its own subjects and allies. 

2. " We would further beg to state, that the servitude said to 
attach to the holding of land in the Sovereignty, in virtue of which 
farmers are called upon to render personal aid in supporting the 
above-mentioned system of military interference in the quarrels 
of the Native Tribes, is extremely distasteful, inconvenient, and 
harassing to the burghers. Every one who complies with the call 


on Lis services in tho field, not only subjects himself to innumer- 
able hardships, besides personal risk, but moreover exposes 
himself to bo plundered and ruined by the tribe against whom he 
has acted." 

And by the despatch of Sir George Cathcart to the Secretary 
of State for the Colonies, of the 20th May, 1852, whore we read 
the following : — 

" There is no doubt, that in case the policy of abandonment 
should be adopted, there are many of the unfortunate minority 
who were called into action on occasion of Major Warden's quarrel 
with the Chief Moshesh, both of European origin and petty 
tribes, who answered his call, and who have already suffered 
much, would, if at this moment left to their fate, be liable to still 
further retaliation ; and this might afford them some claim for 
protection or compensation." 

And the history of what took place at Viervoet and at the 
Berea, between the British Government and the Basutos, confirms 
what is mentioned above. 

That the Basutos applied in 1869, when they had been well 
chastised for their numerous robberies and acts of violence, and 
the violation of the Treaty of Aliwal North, to become British 
subjects, and that they were accepted as British subjects, contrary 
to Article 2 of the Convention of the 23rd February, 1854, by no 
means proves the contention of the Memorandum, but only shows 
that they laboured under the erroneous impression that the 
British Government would place them in possession of the lands 
which had been conquered by the Orange Free State in the war of 
1865, and the boundaries of which, as described in the Treaty of 
Thaba Bosigo, had been accepted and recognized by Moshesh. 

The groundlessness of the allegation contained in the Memo- 
randum : *' That nothing could be more at variance with the true 
history of this country than what is stated in the Protest, that the 
Native tribes, by which the white inhabitants were surrounded, 
had been rendered the enemies of the latter by reason of wars 
waged by the British Government," clearly appears from the 
report of the Commissioners Hogge and Owen, and the memorial 
of Moshesh and others, above quoted. 

The assertion that the British Government never waged war 
with the Native tribes within the Orange River Territory is 
equally incorrect. For such occurred at Hanglip, Mequatling, 


Viervoet, and at the Borea, as will appear, amongst others, from 
the following letter of Major Warden to Lieut.-Colonel Garvock, 
Secretary to His Excellency the High Commissioner, to be found 
at page 77 of the " Bluebook " : — 

Umpukani, September 18, 1850. 

Sir, — I have the honour to acquaint you, for the information 
of His Excellency the High Commissioner, that the troops under 
Captain Bates, 45th Eegiment, reached this Missionary Station 
yesterday, accompanied by about 400 men of the Baralong, 
Koranna, and Fingo tribes, 20 of the Platberg Bastards, and 35 
burghers, under Commandant M. Wessels. At the urgent request 
of the Chief Moroko and Captain Taaibosch, I consented to have 
an interview with Sikonyella ; and this Chief, accompanied by the 
two mediators, met me yesterday afternoon. Captain Bates and 
the officers under him being present at the conference. Sikonyella 
expressed much contrition and promised to abide by any decision 
I might come to in the shape of fine upon him and his people. 
After hearing all that Sikonyella had to say regarding the grave 
charges I taxed him with, I imposed a fine of 300 head of cattle. 

I am disposed to believe that the ireports I received from the 
Civil Commissioners of Winburg and Vaal Eiver, and upon which 
I urged His Excellency to employ troops against the Chief 
Sikonyella, were exaggerated statements. Both Mr. Biddulph 
and Mr. Bester report that Sikonyella's people carried off 800 
head of cattle, and 1200 sheep and goats from the kraals of 
Karlie ; whereas it appears from Sikonyella's statements, and the 
evidence of Mr. Piet Slabbert, that the cattle taken did not exceed 
100, and not a single sheep or goat was captured on the occasion. 
Sikonyella's people lost their horses, and actually sustained 
greater loss than Karlie's people. 

The proceedings of the Chief Molitsani, which I touched 
upon in my last letter to you, are of a most grave character, 
independent of the wholesale murder committed by Molitsani's 
people at this Missionary Institution. The burning of Native 
houses; the carrying off cattle, and the injury done to the 
premises of the Missionary; the insult offered to His Excellency's 
Proclamation, which declares that Missionary Institutions are 
under the special protection of the Queen, call for the severest 
punishment. Twenty persons, including women and children, 
have lost their lives, and three of the wounded are not expected 


to recover. This place presents a scene of murder and devastation 
unheard-of since my arrival on this side the Orange Eiver, five 
years ago. The body of a Fin go-man, in a half-decomposed 
state, is to be seen on opening the door of the Missionary's house. 
The troops, with its burgher and Native aids, move towards 
Molitsani's country to-morrow morning, and should the Chief 
take refuge with his people and cattle in Moshesh's country, it 
will become necessary to call the Basuto Chief to account. That 
Molitsani has already the best of his cattle over the Caledon I 
believe ; 3000 head are required in; order to afford sustenance to 
the Fingo families, plundered of their all, and pay the cost of 
this expedition. This number Captain Bates is called upon to 
capture, and he will fire upon such armed parties as we may fall 
in with. Should Moshesh, after sufficient proof appears that 
Molitsani's cattle are in the Basuto country, and due notice be 
given to Moshesh, refuse or not attend to my notice to give up 
the cattle belonging to Molitsani, I purpose crossing Moshesh's 
boundary-line, and the troops will receive directions to make the 
requisite seizure. 

The Chief Sikonyella and his people have joined the 
commando under Captain Bates. 

I have the honour to be, &c., 

H. D. Warden, 

British Kesident. 

Lieut.-General Garvock, 
Secretary to His Excellency 

the High Commissioner. 

P.S. — Owing to the low condition of the whole of Sikonyella's 
cattle, I did not take over the fine imposed ; they will be brought 
to Bloemfontein next month. — H. D. W. 

Of the British Eesident, Mr. H. Green, respecting the engage- 
ment at Viervoet, dated Bloemfontein, 7th October, 1852, to His 
Excellency Lieut.-General Sir G. Cathcart, " Bluebook," page 85, 
and the despatch to Sir John Pakington, dated Graham's Town, 
18th January, 1853, respecting the battle of the Berea, on the 20th 
December, 1852, in which, amongst others, the following appears 
on page 102 : — 



And whereas in my last reply to the said Chief I expressed 
my intention of proclaiming martial-law, in order to restore to the 
burghers the full powers of making Commandos, which seems to 
have fallen into disuse ; and whereas, upon further consideration, 
I have reason to believe that the course of proclaiming martial- 
law might be misinterpreted and misunderstood, and tend to 
unnecessary irritation, excitement, and alarm ; and that the object 
I have in view can be attained without proclaiming martial-law as 
aforesaid : 

Now, therefore, I do hereby, by virtue of all the powers 
vested in me provisionally, and until sufficient legal enactment 
may be framed with the same intent, order, command, and direct 
all Civil Commissioners, Commandants, and Fieldcornets within 
the Orange Eiver Territory to be ready to organize their burghers 
for the purpose of self-defence ; and for the protection, security, 
and recovery of their property, in case of need. 

Given under my hand and seal, at my camp, Platberg, this 
twenty- third day of December, 1852. 

George Cathcart, 
Governor and High Commissioner. 

Although the occurrences previous to the issue of the Procla- 
mation of His Excellency Sir H. Smith, in 1845, do not prove any- 
thing against the fact that the Native tribes were hostile to the 
white population, who obeyed the summons of Major Warden, and 
took part in the engagements that occurred between the British 
Government and the Native tribes, it will not be amiss to place 
in their proper light the circumstances regarding the Emigrant 
Boers and the Griquas prior to the said Proclamation of Sir H. 
Smith, in 1848, as can be attested by many old inhabitants, and 
amongst others by Mr. J. J. Venter, who crossed the Orange 
Eiver in 1834, paid his taxes at Colesberg till 1888, when they 
refused to receive it ; who took a prominent part in the abandon- 
ment of the Sovereignty, and on several occasions acted as 
President of the Orange Free State. The Boers in the Colony 
were advised to purchase of the Bushmen, who were then in 
possession of the same, a tract of land South of the Eiet Eiver. 


In 1823 Messrs. P. van dor Walt, G. Joubert, G. Kruger, and 
Hans Coetzee, Fieldcornets of Zeckoerivier, Hantam, Zuurberg- 
spruit, and Middelveld, went round to collect cattle for the purpose 
of bartering the land from the Bushmen, which subsequently did 
take place. The Boers accordingly settled there. 

The Griquas, who had also lately entered that country, first 
lived quietly and peacefully with the Boers. But in 1837 they 
began to cause difficulties, which finally resulted in hostile colli- 
sions. But when Her Majesty's troops marched up to interfere, 
a great number of the Boers declared themselves unwilling to 
fight against Her Majesty's troops, and requested Her Majesty's 
Government to interfere as arbitrator between them, which was 

The hostilities between the Boers and Griquas were, however, 
suspended for the term of eight days, upon condition that the 
whites and the Griquas should mutually restore what they had 
taken from each other. Immediate effect was given to this by 
the whites, but not by the Griquas. And before the expiration 
of the eight days' armistice, i.e. on the fourth and fifth day, an 
attack was made by the British Government on the lager at 
Zwartkopjes, and in consequence of the heavy losses which some 
of the Boers sustained from the Griquas, and by these events, 
many persons were plunged into deep poverty. This was com- 
municated by Mr. J. J. Venter to Sir George Clerk in 1854, who 
was very much affected by it, and placed a sum of £3,000, dis- 
posable for these sufferers in these words : " For the purpose of 
placing the New Orange River Government in a position, as far 
us possible, to soften and heal every bitter remembrance of what 
was suffered in former years ; where such exists, Her Majesty's 
Special Commissioner is pleased to grant £3,000 as a free gift 
in Her Majesty's name, on behalf of such persons who may be 
considered to have an equitable share in the same, under the 
circumstances before stated, to be distributed at the discretion 
and judgment of the Orange Eiver Government." 

The preamble of Sir George Napier's Proclamation of the 7th 
September, 1842, is as follows : — 

" Whereas it has been represented to me, that certain of Her 
Majesty's subjects, who have from time to time emigrated for this 
Colony, and who now remain in certain territories beyond the 


boundary and adjacent to the Orange Eiver, liave evinced a dis- 
position to encroach upon the possessions of certain Native 

It does not appear from the Proclamation by whom those 
representations were made ; but, since the information which His 
Excellency obtained was inaccurate, the deduction founded upon 
such inaccurate information must naturally fall to the ground. 

That such unfounded accusations had already previously been 
brought against the Colonists, is shown in the Lectures of the late 
Judge Cloete, in the 71st and following pages. In those Lectures 
the many grievances, losses and other causes, which gave rise to 
the large emigration of the Boers, in 183G, are fully stated. 

The causes and history of the fight at Boomplaats will be 
described by the impartial historian ; but as the Basutos lived on 
friendly terms with the Emigrant Boers, before the Proclamation 
of 1848, it is not very probable that they should, without any 
reason, have taken up arms against them. 

The argument put forward in the Memorandum, in justification 
of the breach of the Convention of 1854, by prohibiting the supply 
of ammunition during the Basuto war of 1868, is irreconcileable with 
the admission of His Excellency the then High Commissioner 
Sir Philip E. Wodehouse, in February, 1869, at the Conference at 
Aliwal North, made to the Orange Free State Commissioners, that 
this prohibition was a violation of the Convention, 

On the 13th January, 1868, His Excellency, Sir P. E. Wode- 
house, intimated to the President, that Her Majesty the Queen 
had authorised him to take steps for accepting the Basutos as 
British subjects. 

On the 10th of March, 1868, the prohibition of the free supply 
of ammunition was made; and on the 12th March, 1848, the 
Basutos were proclaimed British subjects, contrary to Article 2 of 
the Convention of the 23rd February, 1854. 

In refutation of the assertion in the Memorandum, that the 
government of the Orange Free State had violated the Neutrality 
Proclamation, we refer to the President's letters of 22nd March, 
1865, of 8th December, 1865, and of 12th January, 1866, to His 
Excellency the High Commissioner, in which it is clearly shown 
that His Excellency had not been correctly informed respecting 
the true state of affairs. That notwithstanding the Neutrality 
Proclamation, that Kaal Kaffirs came to the assistance of the 


Basiitos from the Cape Colony, and took part in the engagements 
between the Free State and the Basutos, while the government of 
Orange Free State, on several occasions, had notified to a con- 
siderable number of persons from the Cape Colony and Natal, 
who were willing and desirous of coming to the assistance of the 
Free State as Volunteers ; that while appreciating their favourable 
disposition, in consequence of the Neutrality Proclamation issued 
by His Excellency the Governor, at the commencement of the year 
1865, they could not avail themselves of their sympathising offer. 
From all that has been above stated, it is clear that the 
allegation at the end of the Memorandum is incorrect ; as the 
documents and other evidence sufficiently prove that the govern- 
ment of the Orange Kiver Territory was transferred, by the 
Convention of the 23rd February, 1854, to the Delegates of the 
Orange River Territory. For Article 1 of the Convention says : 

"Her Majesty's Special Commissioner, in entering into a 
Convention for finally transferring the Government of the Orange 
River Territory to the Eepresentatives delegated by the inhabitants 
to receive it," etc. 

That not the least proof has been given that either Captain 
A. Waterboer or Captain N. Waterboer ever were in possession of 
or exercised any jurisdiction over the grounds situated within 
the Vetberg line ; that Captain N. Waterboer's claim to the lands 
situated between the Vetberg line and the line that is now claimed 
on his behalf, from Ramah to Platberg, is in direct opposition to 
the boundary indicated by his father. Captain A. Waterboer, in 
1846, who then admitted that his ground was situated to the 
south of the Riet River ; that the Proclamation of the 3rd February, 
1848, of Sir Harry Smith, proclaimed that Her Majesty's Govern- 
ment took upon themselves the responsibility to the Chiefs, in 
respect of reasonable com})ensation to be made to them for all 
lands then occupied by British subjects ; that Her Majesty's 
Government granted titles to thirty-three farms, between 1848 
and 1852, within the lands which now, after the discovery of 
diamonds, claim is laid to, on behalf of Captain N. Waterboer, 
notwithstanding that it is stipulated by Article 4 of the Conven- 
tion " that such persons shall be considered to be guaranteed in the 
possession of their estates by the new Orange River Government." 

From the Chart to be found at the end of " Bluebook " of 
1850, after page 99, respecting the territory between the Vaal 


and Orange Elvers, it appears " that the Griquas under 
Waterboer resided not within the Orange Eiver Territory, but 
to the north of the Vaal River," which is further confirmed by 
what Sir George Cathcart says at the end of his Despatch to the 
Duke of Newcastle (" Bluebook," 1854, p. 1), dated Grahams- 
town, 15th March, 1853, where he says : 

" In connexion with the affairs of this part of the country, I 
have to acquaint you, that a small neighbouring Chief, resident 
beyond the Vaal, with whom there existed a Treaty, entered into 
ou behalf of the Colony by Governor Sir B. D'Urban, in the year 
1 834, of the name of Andries Waterboer, recently died, and has 
been succeeded, by election, by his son Nicolaas Waterboer." 

These people were originally Hottentot refugees, or rather of 
a mixed coloured breed, and of small number, but have ever been - 
faithful to their alliance. 

As, however, the Treaty in the first instance was made with 
the individual Chief or Captain, as the succession was not here- 
ditary but elective, and as there were certain stipulations in the 
Treaty in respect to the supply of arms, gunpowder, etc., which 
would be incompatible with the Convention entered into with the 
Transvaal emigrants, I have declined to renew it in favour of the 
existing interest, as will appear by the enclosed correspondence. 

The order stopping the supply of ammunition was given by 
Sir Philip Wodehouse on the 1st March, 1868, two days before 
the Basutos were proclaimed British subjects. Against this the 
Government of the Free State protested ; but in consequence of the 
representation made by the Delegates of the Orange Free State 
to Her Britannic Majesty's Government, and the correspondence 
that followed, negotiations were entered into, which resulted in 
the Convention entered at Aliwal on the 12th February, 1869. 

That which is stated at the end of the Memorandum is also 
based on a total misconception of the true history of the country. 
For Article 4 of the Convention stipulates that those persons 
who held titles to land before the time of the abandonment of the 
Orange River Sovereignty, should be guaranteed in the same by 
the new Government ; and all those who resided within the 
territory transferred to the Delegates by the Convention, whether 
descended from Great Britain or other States, or born to the 
north of the Orange River, came under the jurisdiction and 
authority of the Orange Free State Government. 


The Government of the Orange Free State repels with in- 
dignation the accusation that they had encroached on the rights 
of weaker neighbours. They urgently pressed in 18G8, through 
their deputation, Messrs. G. van do Waal and C. J. de Villiers, 
on Her Britannic Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, 
Lord Stanley, as well as on the Secretary of State for the Colonies, 
the Duke of Buckingham and Cbandos, for a strict and full 
investigation of their conduct towards the Natives. They are 
now still prepared to stand the test of a full and impa,rtial 
inquiry in this respect. The fact that, in 1854, shortly after 
the abandonment of the Sovereignty, a Commission was sent to 
Captain N. Waterboer and Captain C. Kok, bears witness to their 
desire to do unto others as they wished to be done by. They 
are ready to prove the groundlessness of the imputation brought 
against them before impartial judges ; being fully convinced that 
a complete and searching investigation will entirely acquit them 
from this accusation, even as well as from the former imputation 
of slave-dealing operations. They can refer with confidence to 
their conduct towards Captain Jantje Mothibi, the Baralongs and 
the Chief Moroko, to prove that they were at all times prepared 
and desirous to respect the rights of others. No encroachment 
on the rights of others can be laid to the charge of the Orange 
Free State ; but encroachment has been made on behalf of Captain 
Waterboer, by the Proclamation of Her Britannic Majesty's High 
Commissioner, dated 27th October, 1871, as to the rights of 
Captain Jantje Mothibi and others. 

The right of the Orange Free State to the lands south of the 
Vaal Eiver has been clearly proved. For the Government of the 
Orange Free State agreed in 1856 that the Vetberg line, which 
had been made between Captain N. Waterboer and Captain C. 
Kok, should be the limit of his jurisdiction, provided the owners 
of the three British land certificates, granted by the British 
Government over that line in 1852, should be allowed to remain 
in the undisturbed possession thereof, and under the jurisdiction 
of the Orange Free State. Captain N. Waterboer acquiesced in 
this arrangement, and Her Britannic Majesty's High Commissioner, 
Sir George Grey, expressed his pleasure at the satisfactory settle- 
ment of the boundary line of the Griqualand Territory. 

From that time the owners of the lands within the Vetberg 
line and the three British land certificates have been in possession 


of them, and under tlio jurisdiction of the Orange Free State 
Government. It was not till 1862, after the Government of the 
Orange Free State had bought the grounds of Captain A. and 
Captain C. Kok, on the 26th December, 1861, that Mr. David 
Arnot, on behalf of Captain N. Waterboer, laid claim to that 
portion of the lands south of the Vaal Eiver, of which the 
inhabitants of the Orange Free State held, for a sei-ies of years, 
quiet and undisturbed possession, partly on British and partly 
on Free State titles. 

Seeing that Mr. David Arnot, on behalf of Captain N. Water- 
boer, also laid claim to the grounds of Captain C. Kok, of Camp- 
bell, north of the Vaal Kiver, which had been bought on the 
26th December, 1861, by the Government of the Orange Free 
State, they declared themselves willing to submit the question 
as to the Campbell lands, situated to the north of the Vaal Eiver, 
to the arbitration of Sir Philip Wodehouse. The Deed of Sub- 
mission was drawn up by the then Attorney-General, Mr. William 
Porter, but Mr. David Arnot wished to have the words " South 
of the Vaal Eiver " also inserted in the Deed of Submission. 
But as the inhabitants of the Orange Free State had for many 
years been in possession of the grounds within the Vetberg line, 
which they had obtained by British Title Deeds or purchase, 
and Captain Waterboer never had any land within that line, 
or exercised any jurisdiction there, and thus only could take 
those lands from them by force, the Government of the Orange 
Free State refused to submit their title to those grounds to 

At last, in 1870, Captain Waterboer consented to the arbitra- 
tion proposed by the Orange Free State, concerning the Campbell 
grounds, which was, however, frustrated by the departure of Sir 
Philip Wodehouse from the Colony. 

On the 19th September, 1870, four days after His Excellency, 
Her Britannic Majesty's then High Commissioner, had requested 
the Government of the Orange Free State to produce the proof of 
their right to the lands claimed by Captain N. Waterboer, and 
before such could possibly be done, His Excellency, Lieut.- 
General Hay, issued a Government Notice, in which the Govern- 
ment of the Orange Free State were accused of " unjustifiable 
encroachment " on the rights of Captain N. Waterboer. Whereas 
the then Government and people of the Orange Free State were, 


and have been for many years, in tlie possession ol the lands 
to the south of the Vaal Eiver, witliin the Vetberg line and the 
three British land-certificate farms situated over that line — lands 
which had never been in the possession or under the authority of 
Captain N. Waterboer ; and therefore, in accordance with the 
general principles of justice, it was the duty of Captain N. Water- 
boer, who laid claim to it, to prove clearly that he has a better 
right to those lands than the Orange Free State, who were in 
possession of them ; the Government of the Orange Free State 
refused to submit their right to those lands to arbitration ; and 
whereas the interference of His Excellency the High Commissioner 
and the Government of the Cape Colony was contrary to Article 2 
of the Convention of the 23rd February, 1854, the Government of 
the Orange Free State protested against the proceedings of His 
Excellency the High Commissioner, and still persist in their 
protest against the acceptance of Captain N. Waterboer and his 
people as British subjects, and against all the acts of Her 
Britannic Majesty and the Colonial Government. And although 
the right of the Orange Free State to the lands to the south 
of the Vaal Eiver was so clear that it, strictly speaking, was no 
case for arbitration, they, in order to further friendly relations 
with the British and Colonial Governments, notified their willing- 
ness to submit the question raised by Her Britannic Majesty and 
Captain N. Waterboer against the Free State respecting the 
lands situated within the Vetberg line and the three British 
land certificate farms over that line, to the arbitration of a friendly 
foreign Power, a mode of arbitration customary amongst indepen- 
dent States, and to which the Free State, as a free and independent 
though small State, was entitled ; but to the arbitration proposed 
by His Excellency the High Commissioner, Sir H. Barkly, of 
two Commissioners to be nominated by Her Britannic Majesty's 
Government and the Government of the Orange Free State, and 
His Excellency the Lieut.-Governor of Natal as arbiter, in case 
the Commissioners could not agree, the Government of the Orange 
Free State did not feel at liberty to consent. And with respect 
to the contention that the arbitration proposed by the Government 
of the Orange Free State was impracticable, the Government of 
the Orange Free State cannot perceive why the evidence and docu- 
ments could not be referred to the head of some State in Europe, 
with the same facility as to a British official in Natal. 


The whole correspondence between His Excellency the High 
Commissioner and Governor of the Cape Colony, and the several 
resolutions of the Volksraad, clearly show that the Government of 
the Orange Free State were ready and willing to submit the 
question raised by His Excellency the High Commissioner and 
Governor of the Cape Colony, on behalf of Captain N. Waterboer, 
against the Orange Free State, contrary tj Article 2 of the 
Convention of the 2:3rd February, 1854, to an equitable arbitra- 
tion. Notwithstanding that the Free State and its subjects had 
for many years been in possession of the lands situated between 
the Vetberg line and the line from Ramah to Platberg, partly also 
under titles granted by Her Britannic Majesty's Government, 
forcible possession was taken of these lands by His Excellency the 
High Commissioner and Governor of the Cape Colony. Against 
the forcible seizure the Free State protested, and in order to avoid 
a hostile collision with Her Britannic Majesty or the Colonial 
Government, they withdrew under protest. The Government of 
the Orange Free State protested, and will continue to protest, 
against the forcible seizure of the lands which have been under 
their jurisdiction and authority for years, and is the lawful 
property of its subjects. To this protest they will persistently 
adhere until they shall be reinstated in their just rights, which 
have been violated, or that the question existing between Her 
Britannic Majesty and the Colonial Government and that of the 
Orange Free State shall have been decided by an equitable 
arbitration, as proposed by the Orange Free State, to wit, of a 
like number of Commissioners to be nominated by Her Britannic 
Majesty and the Colonial Government on the one part, and the 
Government of the Orange Free State on the other ; and in case 
they could not agree, then by the decision of a person of rank 
and ability residing in Europe, not being a British subject or in 
any way connected with the Orange Free State, to be nominated 
by one of the Ambassadors of one of the foreign Powers at the 
Court of St. James, in London, by which the Orange Free State 
has been recognised as a free and independent State. 

By order, 


Government Secretary. 

Government OfBco, Bloemfontein, 
10th June, 1872. 

2 D 



Kimberley, April 9, 1875. 

WE desire respectfully to state in the first place that we were 
under the impression that Your Excellency was not 
unaware of the serious dissatisfaction existing on the Fields with 
the acts of the Local Government. 

In the latter part of last year a Memorial was forwarded to 
Her Most Gracious Majesty the Queen, signed by upwards of 
2000 persons, conveying the fact of the universal feeling of dis- 
content prevailing, which Memorial, we understand, passed 
through Your Excellency's office, and up to the present time no 
relief has been given for any of the grievances complained of: — 

1. The general unsuitability of the Constitution, the provision 
for a permanent majority of the Executive in the Legislative 
Council, and the unequally apportioned representation of the 

2. The use made by the Executive of the power thus vested 
in them by imposing heavy burdens of taxation, and passing 
measures of a despotic and arbitrary character, interfering with 
free-trade and rights of property. 

3. The failure of the Executive to satisfy the public request 
for details of expenditure and revenue from the time of the 
establishment of British authority. 

4. That the adjudication of cases in the Law Courts should be 
made less costly, and be placed beyond the appearance of undue 
interference on the part of the Executive. 

5. The absence of judicious mining regulations and measures 
for the protection of diggers against robbery of diamonds and 
illicit dealing therein. 


6. The uselessness of all appeals to the Local Government 
for redress, whether through the Diggers' Committee, resolution 
of public meeting, petition, or deputations, both in regard to the 
Mining Ordinance and other matters. 

7. That with a diminishing population crime and taxation 
increase abnormally, and the expenditure being vastly dispro- 
portionate to the resources of the province or the number of its 

8. The prayer of the petition for the removal of the present 
Executive from office and the establishment of a less expensive 
and more suitable form of government. 

We respectfully inform Your Excellency that since this 
memorial was forwarded, no inclination has been evinced by 
the Lieut.-Governor and his Executive to satisfy, in any way, 
the complaints of the petitioners, but, on the contrary, further 
and heavy exactions and burdens have been imposed on the 

(1) Passing an ordinance by which masters are compelled, 
upon registration of servants, to pay the hospital fee of one 
shilling per month for the whole period of contract in advance, 
with the power to stop out of wages, but Government giving no 
assistance when servants abscond. This becomes a tax on the 

(2) Masters to provide for their service in sickness, and pay 
their wages as if in health, 

(3) Mining surveyor molesting servants accompanied by armed 
and mounted men. 

(4) There are other complaints about diggers' interests not 
being attended to, and the vexatious interference with the legiti- 
mate purchase of diamonds is complained of. 

(5) The disabilities inflicted on canteen keepers by Ordinance 
No. 18 are believed to be prejudicial to the interest of respectable 
and well-conducted houses, both as to the heavy amount of licence, 
the excessive amount of recognizance, and the prohibition against 
other business being carried on on the premises. 

(6) It is thought that the issue of all licences connected with 
the finding of or trade in diamonds should be by, or upon the 
certificate of, an elected Licensing Board, as incalculable injury 
has been done by the indiscriminate issue of licences, whether for 
digging, debris sorting, or dealing in diamonds. 


(7) There is a general impression that the removal of the 
Honourable J. B. Currey, the Secretary to Government, could 
conduce to the more harmonious working of the Government 
people. Up to the j)resent moment it is thought that if the Local 
Government had in view the bringing about a collision between 
the Government and the people, they could not have taken more 
likely steps to ensure such a result than the course they have 
pursued, especially during the last week or two. We beg to 
assure Your Excellency, however, that we will do all in our power 
to disappoint such intentions. 

In conclusion, we beg to assure Your Excellency that in our 
opinion, if measures of a tyrannical and vexatious character 
imposed by the Government are to be stayed and peace is to be 
maintained, we fear it can only be effected by the presence of 
Your Excellency, as soon as it can possibly be afforded. 

Henry Tucker, Chairman, 
William Ling, Treasurer, 

Diggers' Association. 
To His Excellency Sir Henky Baekly. 

The following is a specimen of the editorial utterances of 
The Diamond Field newspaper (April 21, 1875) : — 

" The public feeling, rapidly growing in favour of the Associa- 
tionists, was deeply intensified by the most mistaken action of the 
Government in permitting persons of colour to consider themselves 
the ' troops ' of the future. Parliament men is the title the vile 
wretches give themselves, and although our rulers may quibble 
and dodge, and deny the enrolment of those men of colour, yet 
the grand fact remains that ' their names were taken down, and 
they work under an acknowledged and known leader.' Mr. John 
Cavern ell may be, for all we know to the contrary, a more 
reputable perse n than any of his class, but the name of ' Green 
Leaf ' is known in Cape Town. The knowledge of Green Leaf 
atrocities is spread throughout South Africa, and there are men and 
women too in Kimberley who have suffered outrage and insult at 
the hands of the very gang that now gathers round ' The Ladies' 
Pet.' Ministers of religion may pray for peace in the name of the 
King of Heaven, but ' Green Leaves ' must be encouraged to dare 
and defy, though they cannot terrify. Her Majesty's loyal white 
subjects, in order that the deeds of a Southey, instigated by the 
envenomed brain of a Currey, may be palliated or excused. 

" Saturday night was the scene of a fearful riot and of many 
robberies. ... A sensation was, however, created towards evening 


(on Sunday) by a statement getting into circulation that Water- 
boer's assistant plunderers were marching to Southey's aid, and to 
be soon expected in camp. This bore some appearance of truth 
about it, for no one doubts that our unscrupulous rulers would 
even for a moment hesitate to avail themselves of any assistance 
to help them to murder Her Majesty's white subjects. . . . H. R. 
Roper departed on his mission (to telegraph for troops). The dove 
of peace he was not, but he was a dove with a Cape Town ' green 
leaf ' in his mouth, the first dove we ever heard of who went forth 
to call, by falsehood and misrepresentation, English soldiers to 
help blacks to massacre Englishmen. ... It is said that the 
respectable classes are with Government. This we do not believe. 
The Volunteers are brave, so are all Englishmen, but so much 
the more reason why they will not help to butcher the people. 
Brave men will not fight for cowards, and in alliance with 
liberated slaves." 



Sir H. Barldy, 28th June, 1873. 

ONE of the intrigues of the latter gentleman (President 
Burgers) has just been brought to light by messengers 
from the Zwasie people to the Natal Government, who reported 
that the new President had asked them to sign a paper stating 
that they were under the South African Republic, but which the 
Chief refused to do until he was told by the British Government 
that it was all right, which of course it will not be. 

Sir H. Barldy, 6th September, 1873. 

Mr. Shippard (Acting Attorney-General, Griqualand West) 
has done good service in bringing to light the fact that as far 
back as 1G29 the Dutch declared by law precious stones, etc., to 
belong to the Government, in whatever part of the Colonies they 
were found. 

Sir H. Barldy, \?)th November, 1873. 

You will see that The Standard and Mail alludes to the 
Mitrailleuses for the South African Republic, about which Mr. 
Currey wrote to me. I have not got to the bottom of that story 
yet. Orpen Customs, Port Elizabeth, declares that the packages 
were " disguised," so that he did not expect them to be warlike 
stores, and this, if proved, makes the matter more serious for the 
Union Company, who have been called on for explanations. 

Sir H. Barldy. 

Mr. Shepstone, who stayed a couple of days with me here on 
his first visit to England, seems to take very much the same view 
as you do Selling firearms to Natives — that restriction will 


prove futile, and that it is better to let honest traders sell openly 
instead of encouraging smugglers. He says, however, that this 
is not the current doctrine in Natal. . . . You will see that 
Godlonton and others here entertain similar views. 

Sir H. Barkly, 2Sth February, 1874. 

I have no doubt that with the aid of your notes and your 
and Arnot's Memoranda, I shall be able to indite a satisfactory 
answer to President Burgers, and to send Lord Kimberley a 
Despatch, strongly urging action on the part of the British 
Government. Tlie utmost I expect, however, in reply, will be a 
refusal to recognise the validity of the Treaties entered into 
by Burgers, leaving the responsibility to us of preventing their 
taking effect. This was the course pursued by Earl Granville in 
November, 1868, and in the face of the denunciation both by Mr. 
Gladstone and Mr. D'Israeli of the well-intended but embarrassing 
arrangements which have since brought about the Ashantee war, 
I fear no party at Home will go further," 

Sir E. Barkly, V2th March, 1874. 

I never recollect experiencing greater difficulties in writing 
any Despatch, for I had to reply to the deliberate concoction of a 
very artful dodger, aided by a quibbling lawyer, and I could not 
help feeling that there were weak points in my case. Keates' 
single award, for example, was a mistake. He should have given 
one in Waterboer's case, putting it that he had proved the country 
claimed by the South African Eepublic to be his, so far as such 
boundaries by treaty with Mahura, and another in the case of the 
combined Chiefs setting forth their proper boundaries. . . . 
It was impossible to take up Arnot's line, which could never be 
approved at Home. My conclusion, in which I notify to him 
(President Burgers) that the pretended concessions he had 
obtained are null and void, and that the British Government will 
insist on maintaining Keates' award in its integrity, is rather lame 
and impotent at this time of day, but I thought it was no use 
barking until I could bite. 

Sir H. BarUy, 30th March, 1874. 

The Treaty of the South African Republic with Botlataotse is 
a beautiful specimen of gammoning a Native Chief. It really 


secures him no riglit whatever a day longer than the President 
considers the interests of the Eepublic to require. 

Sir H. Barlcly. 

I had a strange letter, marked " Private and Confidential," from 
Lord Carnarvon, in which, speculating upon the probability of 
Burger's death, he suggests that I shall use any influence I can to 
get a well-disposed man elected President, and pretty well gives 
it to be understood that if the right man were found, any promises 
I might make him on behalf of the British Government would be 
fulfilled. It is clear that his lordship is completely at sea as to 
South Africa. I should imagine myself that British intervention 
yet awhile would do more barm than good in the Transvaal. 
Lord Carnarvon shows no sign of relenting as to Batlipina. In 
a later letter : Lord Carnarvon seems to have an idea that I have 
rubbed up the Boers the wrong way, and that if I had been more 
friendly, both the Free State and Transvaal would gladly enter 
into a South African Federation. 

Sir K BarJcly, 2nd May, 1874. 

Lord Carnarvon could hardly say less than that he could not 
object to any " fair " agreement between the Natives and the 
South African Eepublic, but it will not be difficult to show him 
that fairness is out of the question where the latter is concerned. 

I have Sir Benjamin Pine staying with me now, and he tells 
me that the tricks that have been played, and the deliberate false- 
hoods that have been officially put forward with regard to the 
encroachments on the Zulu frontier near Wakkerstroom, far exceed 
those in connection with the Bloemhof arbitration. 

Sir H. BarJdy, May, 1874. 

I have looked into the question of allegiance as I promised, 
and send you an extract from 33 Vic. Cap. 14 with others from 
my confidential correspondence with Lord Kimberley arising out 
of the late Chief Justice Harding's election for the Presidency 
of the South African Eepublic. Neither the Act nor the Secretary 
of State's reply is very easy of comprehension, but it seems to me 
clear that no British subject in the Transvaal can throw off his 
allegiance except in presence of a diplomatic or consular officer in 
Her Majesty's service. 


Letter from Lieut.-Governor Southey to Sir H. Barhly, 
15th July, 1874. 

(He does not think that confederation would be at all aided by 
any hesitation on the part of Her Majesty's Government in the 
matter of annexing the country of the Batlapins and Baralongs.) 

There is now a rare opportunity of extending British rule and 
influence over the Native people whose territories lie west and 
north of the Republic, and that extension would check the advance 
of the Eepublican Government, which is accomplished only by 
the destruction of the Natives and the seizure of their lands, while 
by an advance we save the people . . . and we should also cut off 
the source from which a kidnapping of Native children is carried 
on. . . . Regarding the next election of President, I hit upon a 
plan by which I shall at least acquire useful information ... to 
get Judge Barry to take a run up to the Lydenberg goldfields, 
ostensibly to see the country, but really to feel the pulse of 
leading people. He entertains feelings as strong as I do in favour 
of the reunion of the people with us, and I can trust him to keep 
the real object in the background. . . . The Judge would not be 
a candidate for the Presidentship under any other condition than 
that he should bring about incorporation with Her Majesty's 

Mr. Southey declares himself strongly in favour of the Cape 
Colony being extended on the west coast up to the Portuguese 
settlements, and we know that if this wise policy had been carried 
out there would have been no German settlement in Damaraland, 
which may eventually, by means of a railway from Yisch Bay, take 
away from Colonial ports the whole trade of Rhodesia and part of 
the Transvaal. 

From Sir H. Barkly to Lieut. -Governor G. W., dated Cape 
Toiori, 10th July, 1874. 

I think Lord Carnarvon would be glad to learn that the 
Ti'ansvaalers desired to come back under British jurisdiction. 

If you could make the attempt without in any way com- 
promising Her Majesty's Government, unless successful, I fully 
approve of your acting as you propose. 


Lieut. -Oovernor to Sir H. Barldy, 'lord July, 1874. 

Africa ought to bocome a most important appendage to the 
British Crown. The unfortunate wars on the eastern frontier of 
the Cape Colony has given the country a bad character — un- 
deservedly so, for those wars need never have occurred, and 
probably would not — some of them certainly not — but for the 
mistaken Home policy. 

Sir II. BarJdy to Lieut.-Governor Southey, 23rd July, 1874. 

With regard to the form of Government, Great Britain could 
not, of course, offer less than she did twenty years ago when she 
gave the Boers the management of their own affairs, which is only 
another phrase for Kesponsible Government. I should like to 
forward your letter confidentially to Lord Carnarvon, but I am 
almost afraid it will frighten him by the extent of the limits to 
which you wish to carry British rule, as well as by assuming that 
it is his wish to do so. 

Sir H. Barldy, 24th August, 1874. 

The English mail came in yesterday morning, and brought 
most unsatisfactory news for us, viz. the disallowing of Ordinance 
No. 5, and a sharp reprimand for your letter to Montsioa. The 
former, you will see, might have been avoided, if you could have 
got M.V. Shippard to put in a proviso, as I suggested, that it should 
affect no rights that the proprietors were legally entitled to. The 
letter I was always afraid would be disapproved, as I told you at 
the time. 

Sir H. Barldy, 20th August, 1874. 

I consider the question (of the gun trade) a more serious one 
for this Colony than you do, and I was not at all sorry to see it 
taken up by Godlonton and others. The opinion you entertain, 
founded on Kafir War reminiscences, that a Native is more for- 
midable armed with an assegai than a gun, would have received 
a rude shock had you been present the other day when the young 
Basuto chiefs visited the Wynberg Butts. (He then describes 
their remarkably good shooting.) 


Sir H. Barhly, dth November, 1 874. 

Our correspondence with the Colonial Office is, as you remark, 
uphill work, and it seems so clear that backstairs influence is at 
work misrepresenting everything, that I all but despair of getting 
the truth listened to. The present Chief is, I am told by those 
who know him, crotchety, nervous of being found fault with, and 
obstinate to a degree when he has once got an idea into his head. 
By the mail which reached us here on the 7th, I had a private 
letter from him — as usual, very civil — saying, in reply to my 
remonstrances as to want of support to you in your difficult 
position, that it is his wish to give it to you, as he is aware of 
your claims to confidence, but that he does not approve of the 
strong language you apply officially to your opponents, and that 
the question of title to laud has got into such a tangle that he 
has no other mode of settling it but by a Commission. 

Sir H. BarJcly, 21st November, 1874. 

Let me congratulate you first on the triumphant way in which 
the slander case has been disposed of. The universal respect and 
sympathy which was evinced for you contrasts strongly with the 
contempt and loathing felt for old Eobinson. You were quite 
right at once to grant a pardon to his tool Armidell. The de- 
scription of the Eing may have a good efiect at headquarters, 
and we ought to lose no time in dealing with the land question 
and Burgers' " Despatch." 

Sir H. Barlly, Ist December, 1874. 

I have read with much regret in the papers of the great fall 
of earth that has taken jjlace on one side of the Colesberg kopje, 
and of the fissures which threaten even greater landslips. Mis- 
fortunes seem to thicken around you, and I must own that I am 
beginning to feel some alarm as to the future state of affairs at 
the diamond fields. I am sure, however, you will do your utmost 
to cope with the crisis, and it is very possible that from ignorance 
of the real situation I over-estimate its gravity. Ominous rumours 
of heavy overdrafts at the local branches of the banks are current 
here, and I cannot contradict them. Let me learn what really is 
the truth, for there is no use shutting our eyes to it. 


Sir H. Barldij, 17 th December, 1874. 

I would not mind the expense of printing documents, if it 
convicted ITis Honour (President Burgers) of all the double 
dealing and hypocrisy of which ho has been guilty. I will 
simply vindicate one by one the accuracy of the statements which 
he ventured in such vulgar terms to impugn, and which I find 
I can do more triumphantly than I expected. As to the history 
of tlie Volksraad's dealings with the award, I doubt if their 
conduct can be put in a clearer light than in the despatches which 
I wrote at the time, and which will be found in the English 
Parliamentary Blue-books. 

Sir H. Barkly, December, 1874. 

Arnot has written to me confidentially to ask if I see any 
harm in his introducing a Bill not less than to repeal my Procla- 
mation No. 7 1 regarding Titles ! I never heard a more audacious 
proposal coming from a party deeply interested like himself, and I 
should laugh at the idea had I not some reason to believe (between 
ourselves) that it originated with Currey. I can only say that if 
he or any other ofiicial supported such a measure, I would not 
give much for his tenure of ofiice when Lord Carnarvon heard 
of it. 

Sir H. BarMy, December, 1874. 

I see Arnot has taken upon himself to reply to Burgers. 
He had better have confined himself to supplying me with infor- 
mation, instead of increasing the difficulties of my task, as his 
intervention was sure to do. I turned to it in hopes of finding 
something that might be of use, but in vain. In violence of tone 
it almost equals Burgers, whilst the staple of its arguments as to 
the non-recognition of Boer independence, etc., is in the teeth of 
the quotation from the Despatches of the Duke of Newcastle and 
others, and would not be for a moment tolerated at home. On 
the other hand, he is weak and evasive on the very points where 
his aid was needed, as, for example, the document produced by 
Burgers professing to be an acknowledgment by Mankaraone and 
the rest of the Chiefs of old Massoiiw's superior rights to the 
territory, with regard to which he only says that it must be a 


forgery, as several wliose names are to it disown all knowledge of 
it. (Why did he not get a positive repudiation from Maukaraone, 
etc. ?) 

Sir H. BarJdy, 0th January, 1875. 

Mr. Froude is now with me, having arrived yesterday even- 
ing. I fear his views are unaltered, and that he regards the quasi 
slavery of the ISTativo races in the Transvaal and Orange Free 
State as the system which is to regenerate the South African 
Confederation. He speaks very highly of you, but does not agree 
in your views as to the course to be adopted with the Republics. 
For Burgers he has a contempt, but Brand is a sort of hero with 
him. Arnot is his pet detestation, and he is going home to 
declare that he has got land grants to the extent of 2000 square 
miles. I begged him to take off the last nought, but he instanced 
the 840 square miles from Munkaraone, and hinted that you had 
admitted he claimed as much more at least in the Province. 

Sir H. BarUy, 2bth March, 1875. 

I am glad to find that Aylward is so openly resorting to 
violent measures as to alarm the respectable part of the com- 
munity, and this strengthens your hands sufficiently to admit of 
his arrest. If that can be done by special constables and the 
ordinary arm of the law, it will be well. I shonld be loath to 
send soldiers, excepting only after an outbreak had occurred, or at 
the urgent solicitation of the bankers, merchants, and share- 
holders. The expense of their transport and support, which 
would have to be borne by the Province, would be very heavy. 

Lieutenant-Governor Southey, '29th April, 1875. 

Important duty of Government to endeavour to enforce a 
due observance of the laws could not be neglected without im- 
minent risk of bringing about class riots. Trade in guns and 
ammunition necessary to proceed against violators, but before any 
prosecutions were entered on, I had received arrangements made 
for large supply of superior guns. Now received information 
that a considerable supply is being brought through the Free 
State. I hesitated to place men to watch the roads. I have no 
force at my command to overawe the malcontents. Since Your 
Excellency has expressed an opinion that a prosecution in Court 


was an act of indiscretion, I am at a loss what to do. I firmly 
believe that if the Associationists aro allowed to set the law at 
defiance with the knowledge and tacit consent of the Government, 
they will bo encouraged to proceed to far greater outrages. But no 
steps can be taken to prevent them, for I had not only his 
Excellency's express disapproval of prosecutions in the present 
state of affairs, but the fact that, were Your Excellency's views 
and wishes different, this Government would be powerless to 
carry them out. 

I gather from your communications on this subject that you 
consider the indiscretion, exhibited not in observing the law, but 
" by observing and enforcing the law," changed to " endeavouring 
to enforce the law without a sufficient force to support officers of 
justice." If this be so, and I can place no other interpretation on 
Your Excellency's communication, I have only to remark that it 
rests entirely with Your Excellency to provide such a force as will 
enable us to act. 

If this be so, I can only say that I look to Your Excellency 
to put me in a position to enable the officers of justice to carry 
out the law, both civil and criminal, which is now practically in 
abeyance, to the general discredit and demoralization, not only of 
the Government, but of the whole community." 

Lieutenant-Governor Southey, 22nd April. 

Reporting that by notice in Gazette of 10th inst., a meeting 
of " all corps " of the Associationists unarmed was called for that 
evening by William Ling, the Secretary, at Tucker's House. 

Armed guards still stationed at houses of leaders. 

Public offices materially strengthened, and about 250 Volun- 
■ teers are being enrolled. Captain Carr appointed Commandant ; 
Captains Eamsay, Tennant, and H. J. Yonge, and Messrs. 
Gilfillan and Percy to be Captains of Companies, and Mr. 
Bradshaw to be Adjutant. 

Diamond Field newspaper recognized organ of the Associa- 
tionists. Statements false, but put forward as arguments for 
reducing coloured classes to the subjection to which they are 
condemned in the neighbouring Republics. Feeling of alarm 
and indignation among coloured classes. Large employers of 
labour can themselves at any time produce scenes in the streets 


by their own servants, and thus appear to establish the truth of 
their assertions as to the lawlessness of the natives. 

2^tli April. — Strong expressions at the delay in sending up 
troops. District armed corps had been organized. Great 
alarm. Eebel force now organized for more than a month. Un- 
willingness of the European population to take the part of the 
Government by enrolling. 200 came forward, and of these only 
140 came to muster. I can accordingly only protect public offices. 

Mr. Ling stood on his diggers' rights. Court granted a 
writ of ejectment. Government delayed to put it in force. 

The Diamond Field continually publishing falsehoods about 
Crown lands recently disposed of, and about to be offered for 
competition. The Acting Attorney-General, duly instructed, 
took pi'oceedings against the publisher for seditious libel in 
stating that " our nefarious rulers were about to attempt another 
swindling land sale." Placards put out calling on the people to 
protect the rights of the diggers threatened by the proprietors, 
and the liberty of the Press threatened by the Government. 

Meeting called for 27th a failure because of wet weather. On 
3rd March it took place at Kimberley Hall, addressed by Tucker, 
Aylward, Blanch, and other speakers — all resolutions carried 
unanimously. Aylward closing the proceedings by calling on 
all the diggers to come armed with their rifles and revolvers on 
his hoisting a black flag at the mine. 

I received subsequently positive information that men were 
being enrolled and drilled. 

Ball cartridges were issued to his men by Aylward at a night- 
meeting drill by moonlight. 

Proclamation issued warning all against illegal enrolling, 
drilling, and arming. In reply, Diamond Field published 
manifesto, signed by Tucker and Ling, Chairman and Treasurer, 
" The Diggers' Protective Association," in which no mention is 
made of either of the cases of Ling or Taylor, which had formed 
the pretexts for the mass meeting, but in which it is afiBrmed that 
by thefts and irregularities on the part of the Natives with " other 
causes " the rights, property, and liberty of the diggers are in 
danger, and it is announced that "the Council of the Association 
will direct necessary patrols to be made, and other measures to 
be carried out," — in other words, that these persons will assume 
the functions of the Government. 


This evening the organized bands, both of cavalry and infantry, 
have paraded and drilled by daylight. Tucker and Ling have 
issued a counter proclamation to mine, in which certain charges 
are made against me, and an intention is notified of inducing 
Her Majesty's subjects to unite for the preservation of their 
rights and liberties, " ignoring and disavowing all treasonable 
intent." Charge made that Mr. Southey had caused attacks by 
armed Imen to be made on diggers, only foundation being that 
Surveyor, when engaged on duty, accompanied by two mounted 
policemen, had visited the mine. It was now abundantly evident 
that men who had nothing to lose determined to overthrow the 
Government to gain a position for themselves. 

Eights and liabilities of Her Majesty's subjects had not been 
disregarded by Government. 

British flag brought into contempt among Native tribes 

Before arrival of Southey, the same section of this com- 
munity forced the Administrators of the Government to issue a 
Proclamation, depriving all coloured persons of mining licences 
which they then held, and , providing that for the future no 
person of colour should be eligible to hold a licence. Ever 
since my assumption of office attempts made, petition and threats 
to compel me to adopt the same course, which I have steadily re- 
sisted. It is because I insist upon upholding the rights and liberties 
of the whole community, and not merely a section of it, that 
I am charged by these men with bringing the British flag into 
dishonour. I declined to receive a deputation from an illegally 
constituted body. Will not recognize an illegal Association 
seeking to form the Government. Military force required to 
dispel idea that Government here only on sufferance. Security 
of the whole country jeopardized by feebleness of Government. 

22nd April. — Forwarding a petition from a large number of 
miners and diggers at Du Toit's Pan and Bultfontein in favour 
of Government. These petitioners and Her Majesty's coloured 
subjects generally conducted themselves with great propriety 
during the trying ordeal through which we have been and still 
are passing. 

Blanch, K. Tucker, Good child, and Eeid, proceeding to Cape 
Town to interview Sir Henry Barkly. 

Deputation first waits on Southey. Asked the deputation 


what they meant by saying in resolution, " No further political 
prosecutions." Mr. Goodchild said he thought it was meant to 
ask that none of the Association should be proceeded against. 
Some members of the Association did not agree to its terms. 
The application amounted simply to this, that I should consent 
to Association remaining an unlawful body of organized armed 
men, and that I should take no measures for their suppression. 
Unable to comply. Would not approve of enrolments, nor give 
any pledge about prosecutions, but exert myself to the utmost to 
maintain the public peace. 

24<A April. — Transmitting letter from Tucker and Ling 
representing Diggers' Association. They stated that their 
document sent to Government had been styled a Proclamation 
by mistake — had Royal Arms at head and " God save the 
Queen " at foot. 

Dissatisfaction ; yes, but not among the great body of respect- 
able inhabitants to any extraordinary extent. Only low people, 
except the men of neighbouring Republics. They do not represent 
the wealth or intelligence of the people. Changes are wanted; 
they would not use physical force, but the ordinary methods. 
Government is endeavouring to obtain reliable information ui^ou 
which to regulate further legislation. By heavy exactions they 
mean hospital fees. These men have all along endeavoured 
to prevent any form of Government which did not give to them 
an unreasonable — to my mind a dangerous — amount of power. 
This feeling was on Orange Free State territory, and existed 
when Your Excellency came here to allay discontent. Your 
Excellency formed a constitution, they allege, on model of Natal. 
This kept them quiet for a time. Their disappointment great 
when Constitution arrived. They assembled mass meetings and 
protested. Urged community not to elect representatives. Tucker 
put up and defeated. Complaints about liquor law resulted in 
Ord. 18, and greater reductions would have been placed upon 
canteens and the trade generally but for the opposition of one 
or two of the official members and notably of the Secretary to 
Government. The pith of it all is, that they wish to get all 
the power into their own hands in order to deprive Her Majesty's 
coloured subjects of all their privileges and rights. 

They want the Secretary of Government removed, but they 
allege nothing against Mi*. Currey's character or conduct. They 

2 E 


are indebted to Currey for having exerted himself to prevent 
their being accessory to the crime of murder, and the Government 
is indebted to him for aiding the magistrates to tide over a most 

serious crisis. , .„ r jcok c\c\c\ 

Imperial Government disallowed loan bill tor A.25,0UU. 
Estimates submitted 15th April, 1875, to Legislative Council, 
and approved of by the four official members. 



BEGINNING from the eastward. Prior to the year 1862 the 
south-western boundary of Natal was the i-iver Umzimcooloo ; 
but negotiations had been for some time on foot for extending it 
to the river Umtamfumu. 

In times past, all the country between the river Umzimcooloo 
and the river Umtalo, from the Drakensberg, or Quathlamba 
Mountains, to the sea, was under the control of Faku, the late 
Paramount Chief of the Pondas. But cessions had been obtained 
from him of the whole tract from the Drakensberg to the sea 
between the Umzimcooloo and Umtamfumu Eivers, and also of 
the whole of the upper lands between that last river and the 
Umtata. It was under these circumstances that the Government 
of Natal proposed to extend its boundary on the whole depth from 
the Drakensberg to the sea, from the Umzimcooloo to the 
Umtamfumu Eiver. But about the same time, and apparently 
without communication with Natal, Sir George Grey, in his 
capacity of High Commissioner, and as such claiming the 
disposal of all the land ceded by Faku, undertook to locate on 
the upper portion of the tract desired by Natal the tribe of 
Griquas under Adam Kok. 

These people, who are a mixed race, quite distinct from the 
Kaffirs, were then living on the western border of the Orange 
Free State. And while the latter was still British territory, we 
had come under certain engagements to them. After the abandon- 
ment by Great Britain of the Free State, the Griquas were sub- 
jected to constant annoyance by the Boer Government and people. 


against which they claimed protection from us. And Sir George 
Grey, apparently seeing no other method of escaping from the 
difficulty, proposed they should sell all the possessions they then 
had, and accept from him a location on the borders of Natal, in 
the land obtained from Faku. They agreed. The limits of their 
new land were pointed out by Sir W. Currie, on behalf of Sir G. 
Grey ; and after having sold their own lauds the tribe moved with 
great difficulty, and sustained great losses over the Drakensberg. 
While this was going on the Natal Government persevered in 
their efforts to obtain the whole tract, and just at the time of my 
arrival in the Colony had obtained from the Duke of Newcastle 
an order that they should have it. 

Almost my first act was to overrule this order, as I found that 
the people had removed in implicit reliance on the promise of 
Sir George Grey, who was undoubtedly the paramount local 
authority. Natal obtained the seaboard, but the Griquas acquired 
the lands of the interior according to promise. The Secretary of 
State approved of what I had done, but the Natal Government 
was much mortified, and, consequently, there has never been any 
real friendly feeling on their part towards the Griquas. But the 
latter ought, I conceive, always to be encouraged and supported 
by us. They were put there by us, they desire to be on good 
terms with us, and they have nothing in common with the pure 
Kafir tribes. 

Adam Kok's principal adviser is an Englishman named 
Brisley — very intelligent, of course intending to take good care 
of himself, but quite able to see that his interests lie in adhering 
to us. But I think there is anything but a friendly feeling 
between him and the great authority on Native affairs at Natal, 
Mr. Shepstone. There is, however, a local magistrate on the 
immediate border of Natal, whom I believe to be a sensible 
practical man, and who seems to possess the confidence of the 

Proceeding westward. In the late settlement of the affairs of 
Basutoland, I took advantage of the cession by Faku for placing 
in the upper lands under the Drakensberg, and in immediate 
contact with the Griquas, some of the Basutos and others who had 
been either displaced by the troubles, or from other causes had 
become desirous of removing thither. 

Some of them have come under agreements with Adam Kok 


for the payment of a species of tribute, in consideration of support 
and protection as against the neighbouring Kafirs, and all of 
them look to us as the chief power. There are more of the upper 
lands still at disposal between these people and the head of the 
Umtata river. 

Proceeding westward along the coast, from the border of the 
new portion of Natal, called Alfredia, you come first to the 
territory of Umgikela the Great, but not the eldest son of Faku. 
He is, in point of rank, the Paramount Chief of the Pondas ; but 
a large portion of the tribe recognise the authority of his elder 
brother, Damas, whose lands lie between those of Umgikela and 
the lands of the tribe of Tambookies. Within the territories of 
these two Poudo Chiefs there are also two or three semi- 
independent Chiefs, who render a very uncertain obedience, and 
greatly weaken their power. 

The tribe of the Tambookies, whose lands begin at the Umtata, 
is divided into three sections : one which is perfectly independent 
and under the despotic control of the Paramount Chief " Gange- 
lizwe ; " another which has been placed by us under Chiefs of 
inferior rank, between the rivers Bashee and Kei, and with whom 
we have a resident officer ; and a third which declined to move 
into the last-mentioned tract, and remains on the western bank 
of the Kei, within the Ca])e Colony and under Colonial law. 

The interests of all three sections are, fortunately, much 
opj)osed to each other. 

The tract from the Bashee to the Kei, reaching from the 
mountains to the sea, was formerly in the possession of Kreli, the 
Chief of the Galeka tribe of Kafirs, who before my arrival had, 
for his hostility to us, been completely driven out of it. On my 
arrival the whole tract was uninhabited, except by the detach 
ments of police which held it, and Kreli was living in great 
poverty on the east bank of the Bashee. Arrangements were in 
progress for allotting the whole as farms to British settlers, when 
suddenly the Home Government prohibited its annexation to the 
British territory, and I therefore divided it into three tracts. 
Kreli was permitted to return into the lower portion, nearest to 
the sea, in the centre a number of Fingoes, taken from the Colony? 
were located, and in the highest portion were placed the section 
of Tambookies above-mentioned. All these settlements are in 
law independent, and are governed by their respective headmen 


according to native customs. Bat we have an officer resident 
with each division, and, as they are all exceedingly jealous of 
each other, it is not difficult to preserve a considerable amount of 
control over them. 

In many respects their existence in their present condition is 
decidedly advantageous to us. 

Philip E. Wodehouse, 
Governor and High Commissioner. 
August 28, 1870. 



Taken out of an Old Diaky kept by one of the Corps of 
Guides during the Kafir War of 1835. 

ON Wednesday, the L'Utli April, 18o5, the Chief Hintza, with 
an escort of twenty-four men, came to our camp about 
four o'clock in the afternoon. Such bustle and formality at his 
arrival was quite laughable — every one appeared anxious to have 
a peep at him. After shaking of hands, etc., a camp-chair was 
handed him, and he took his seat alongside the Governor and 
Colonel Smith, who were also seated, and a few officers were 
allowed to stand round him, the whole body of the people being 
kept at a distance by sentries placed round. Papers were soon 
brought forward and read to him, interpreted by young Shepstone, 
and the business went on, every one listening to catch the sound, 
but all to no purpose, for they talked in so low a tone that 
nothing could be overheard, so what was said we know not. 
However, after talking for some time and being late the great 
Chief Hintza was invited to Colonel Smith's tent, where the con- 
versation was carried on until eleven o'clock, but no one being 
allowed to come near, and the interpreter being sworn to secrecy, 
it was impossible for us to learn any part of what had passed. How- 
ever, about an hour after dark we got orders to parade in marching 
order at daylight in the morning — for the rescue of a Chief — and 
every one betook himself to his place of rest for the night. 

Thursday, oOth April. — The whole of the 1st Division of the 
army being under arms at daylight, the officers assembled in front 
of the Governor's tent, where stood Hintza, and then Governor's 
papers were again read to him, but in so low a tone that nothing 
could be heard. After it had all been read, the Governor asked 
Hintza if he perfectly understood it, and Hintza answered yes. 


The Goveruor then shook hands with him, and three cannons 
immediately discharged a little above the camp. With this the 
men were all dismissed, with the exception of four of the 1st 
Corps of Guides, who were sent in search of some of the Kafirs' 
horses which had strayed during the night. Thus are English- 
men forced by those who are placed in authority over them to go 
in search of their enemy's horses, an enemy that has plundered 
them of their property, and murdered their friends and country- 
men in cold blood. What must their feelings be ? and to see the 
treatment and attention paid to those thieves and murderers is 
disgusting to the sight of every frontier colonist in the camp, 
knowing as they do that those very people are the very same that 
have been in the Colony, and that they would cut our throats 
to-morrow if they could get us on one side, and, notwithstanding 
all this, we see Hintza presented with eight men's saddles and 
bridles, four large rolls of brass wire, one dozen spades, three 
pieces duffle, about 140 lbs. of beads of different sorts, a lot of 
buttons, several blankets, a piece of red velvet for cloak, one 
dozen tinder-boxes, half a dozen handkerchiefs, and numerous 
other articles. All this to be presented to him in the presence of 
the whole camp — yet many Englishmen and Dutchmen have not 
a blanket to cover themselves with, nor a saddle to ride on, and 
although continual applications have been made for them yet 
none can be got. Men who have lost all their property, and are 
now serving on commando without a tent to lie in or a blanket to 
cover themselves, must, before their eyes, see them lavished away 
upon their bitterest enemies — the murderers of their friends and 
relations ! 

Hintza's son, Kreli, having arrived, he also was presented with 
a saddle, bridle, and a lot of beads, etc., for all of which he did 
not say thank you, nor did Hintza for what was given him, but 
asked for garnet beads. Five men of the Corps of Guides under 
Ensign C. Eubidge, of the Hottentot Battalion, having been sent 
in search of the Hottentots who were missing, they fell in with 
them on the Tsomo Eiver. They had captured 039 head of cattle 
and sixteen horses, which were brought safe to camp with only 
sixteen men, the others were undoubtedly killed. Hintza having 
dined with Colonel Smith, the bugle and bag-pipes were kept 
playing for his amusement. 

Friday, 1st May, 1835. — The camp was to have moved this 



morning in the direction of Butterworth, but it has been postponed 
for reasons best known to those who gave the orders. 

A lot of Kafirs were seen in the direction of the Kei River, 
and report says that Booko is coming. (Booko is the uncle of 

We hear what the conditions of peace are with Hintza, that he 
is to give up L!."i,(M)0 head of cattle and 500 horses in five days' 
time, and the same number in one year from this, dated yesterday, 
30th April, 18;}o. 

Saturday, 2nd May. — At 8 o'clock this morning the camp 
moved in the direction of Butterworth. Four of the Corps of 
Guides were sent with an express to Colonel Somerset, near Butter- 
worth, and three more sent with Major White, who rode in the 
direction of the mouth of the Tsomo to sketch the country ; the 
remainder of the Corps of Guides were left behind to bring up 
Hintza and escort, who were a long time getting ready to start. 
However, after some time we got off, and came up with the advance 
guard, who were off-saddled. Here the Government got information 
from Colonel Somerset that the Kafirs had fallen upon the Fingoes 
and killed thirty of them in one place. Report says the Governor 
would have shot Hintza for this had not Colonel Smith interceded 
for him. After an hour we were on our way, and encamped in a 
valley called Fingos Kloof. Hintza was guarded all the way, and 
his people were disarmed at night. Booko came up to us when 
we were off-saddled, and brought about forty head of cattle with 
him, and said these were all the cattle he had in his possession 
belonging to the Colony, and that he had not a horse to ride on. 
Those cattle were not accepted by the Governor, but Booko took 
them on to the camp with him. Hintza, his son, Booko, and two 
or three others were kept close prisoners all night. A few 
waggons come in with stores. 

Indahagaas, Sunday, 3rd May. — We remained in camp all 
day. Three or four people were sent over to the Fingoes to in- 
quire into the truth of those killed by the Kafirs ; they found 
that the report was quite true. Hintza and the others were 
kept close prisoners, and not allowed to converse with any other 

Monday, 4th May. — The greater part of the people that came 
with Hintza and Booko were allowed to leave the camp, their 
arms being given up to them. Twenty-five Boers were sent oft' 


with the post, and took two Kafirs with them, sent by Hintza with 
a message to the Chiefs Schaiiie and Masoomo. The Boers who 
took them (these Kafirs) were bound down in the penalty of 
5u0 rix dollars that they would deliver them safe over to Major 
Cox at the Buflalo, Debe, or else where the Major could be found, 
Hintza was allowed to go about two miles down the river, and the 
Corps of Guides and Bathurst Volunteers were sent to guard 

Tuesday, 5th May. — The Missionaries from Clarkbury were 
expected daily. This was the last day for Hintza to send in the 
first 25,000 head of cattle, but none came. In the morning Hintza 
again wanted to take a ride down the river, and the Corps of Guides 
were ordered to get ready, but when he saw so many upsaddled 
and ready to go with him, he would not go. After dark a Kafir 
came into the camp on horseback, and stated that he wished to join 
the English, but it was expected that he" came as a spy and his 
horse was taken from him, and he was driven away, marked with 
a few good lashes. 

Wednesday, 6th May. — Nothing of consequence happened this 
evening. The Missionaries from Clarkbury arrived escorted by 
Captain Warden and j)arty. They brought 850 head of cattle with 
them, and shot one Kafir on their way. These cattle were part of 
what the Tambookie Chief had taken from the Kafirs, and all 
Captain Warden could get out of him out of about 2000 head. 
Orders were issued for the camp to move at 7 o'clock to-morrow 

Thursday, 1th May. — Eain still continuing, orders for march- 
ing were countermanded until to-morrow. Several spans of oxen 
were lost or stolen during the rains, also some horses. 

Friday, 8th May. — Colonel Somerset's division being under 
orders to march, the Missionai-ies left us to join him, and it was 
understood that they were going direct for the Colony, and that the 
first division would soon follow. Here several of the farmers and 
others in the first division being dissatisfied with the commando, 
returning without having taken anything like the number of cattle 
that had been taken from the Colony, thought proper to draw up 
a short memorial to His Excellency the Governor on the subject, 
stating that they would rather stop out all the winter than return 
home without their cattle, and that from all information that they 
could get from the Missionaries and others, it appears that the main 


body of cattle was still on the coast between tbe Kei and Bashee 
Eivers. This memorial was sent from the Governor to Colonel 
Smith, and all the parties who signed it got a severe reprimand, 
and were told that it was treason to dictate to the representatives 
of His Majesty's Government. After all this was over and the 
roads had got dry, about 12 o'clock we left the camp on the Inda- 
bagaazi, and proceeded in the direction of the Kei, and halted 
about a mile and a half before we got to Nud's Springs, the 
place where Purcell was murdered, where we remained for the 

Saturday, i)th 3Iay. — We left camp and came ou to the Kei 
Drift, where we remained for the night. Two little Fingoe chil- 
dren were found on the road, who had been left behind by their 
mothers, who had accompanied Colonel Somerset's division into 
the Colony. The Kafirs attacked the Fingoes when they were 
crossing the Kei Drift, and took some of their cattle, but we heard 
the Fingoes retook them again. 

Sunday, lOtli May, 1835. — Every one was full of anxiety to 
know whether or not the Kei would be declared the boundary. 
They had heard that a requisition had been made for twenty-one 
rounds of ammunition, but whether it was to declare the boundary 
or the King's birthday was one continual matter of dispute. How- 
ever, about eight o'clock the troops were called out and fallen in, in 
proper order — Hintza, Kreli, and Booko in the centre — when the 
Governor, accompanied by Colonel Smith, and all the other officers 
forming a circle in the middle of the troops, declared the Kei 
Kiver to be the boundary of the Colony of the Cape of Good 
Hope. A royal salute was fired, and the whole division gave 
three cheers, and it ended. Here we separated, the Governor 
taking one part and crossing the Kei into the Colony, and Colonel 
Smith taking the other and going back towards the Bashee. I, 
William, and Harry going with him (Colonel Smith), and Eichard 
going with the Governor. Colonel Smith took Hintza and four 
of his men with us, and Hintza was given over to me, and fifteen 
of the Corps of Guides to guard him. We took the waggon road, 
and halted on this side of Butterworth for the night. We fell in 
with sixty-eight head of cattle driven by two Kafirs, and they 
said they were bringing them to the camp. Colonel Smith gave 
them a note and sent them on. Soon after we had ofl-saddled 
for the night, one of the Kafirs who accompanied Hintza was seen 


going off iu tlic direction of where we liad just before seen some 
Kafirs driving four liead of cattle. It was supposed he was sent 
by Hintza to tell the news that we were coming. One or two of 
our pack-oxen died from eating tulp at the Kei. 

Monday, \ 1 th May. — Early this morning we were on the move. 
One of Hintza's horses was missing, and it was believed that he 
managed to get it off during the night, to send a message to his 
people to take away their cattle. We passed Butterworth, 
and off-saddled about three miles on the other side, by a Kafir 
kraal. Here we got plenty of corn for horses, and firewood 
from the kraal ; the Kafirs had not long deserted the place. 
A few goats were found, which were soon destroyed by the 

Friday, Vlth 7>ia?/.— About midnight the rouse sounded, which 
put the whole camj) on the move, and in about an hour all was 
ready for a start, and slow and silent moved the column forward, 
keeping still a beaten path which led to a station, one belonging 
to Mr. Edwai'd Driver, near the Basheo. Just at dawn of day we 
saw Kafir spies moving in all directions, and every path was 
beaten with cattle spoors. Hintza appeared very uneasy, and 
wanted to turn back, saying : " Here are the cattle spoors, make 
haste and follow them up and you will get them ; but if you go 
along the road at this slow pace, you will never come up with 
them, for the Kafirs travel faster than you do. Why not go as 
Somerset does, in different lots ? " Soon after sunrise we off- 
saddled and breakfasted. After halting about two hours, we 
up-saddled, leaving the waggon with Mr. Fynn, and the knocked- 
up men behind, in all about seventy in numbei*, and proceeded on 
our way, still keeping the spoor of the cattle, but not able to get 
sight of them. Hintza again said : " Why not let iiw turn round. 
I have brought you to the cattle, what more can I do ? " He 
seemed very loth to go on, and said : " Those people will fight." 
Seeing that he would not be allowed to turn back, he ordered his 
followers to ride in the rear ; but this, of course, was not allowed, 
and the guides did their duty and kept them all together. After 
going on for a few miles, Colonel Smith told Hintza that he had 
better send some of his people round to tell the Kafirs not to fly 
with the cattle, as he would follow them to hell, therefore they 
had better stop and give iip at once, or he would shoot man, 
woman, and child. Upon this Hintza sent two of his men on, and. 


as he said, to tell them not to fly with their cattle, but it proved 
afterwards that they were sent for quite another i)urpose, viz. to 
tell them to be ofif, as the commando was coming, keeping still on 
the spoor for about two miles. We halted for about a quarter of 
an hour, and here Hintza was seen to tie a knot of lucky grass on 
to his necklace. From here we descended down a hill and 
crossed the river " Xebecca," and it being steep on the other side 
to ascend, all dismounted with the exception of Colonel Smith, 
who rode in front of Hintza. His two men walking up the hill 
followed by the guides until they got near the top, when Hintza 
mounted his horse, as did also his people, and pushed gently past 
to the front. I called to the people in front to ask if the prisoners 
were safe, and was answered yes. Again I asked if he was in 
front of the Colonel, and was also answered yes. Upon this I, 
William, and Harry mounted our horses and pushed past through 
the bushes on the left of the line and got up in front of Hintza, 
who in one moment whipped his horse and away he went, followed 
by Colonel Smith and us three who had got in front, and all the 
others as they came out on the top of the hill. Colonel Smith's 
horse being the swiftest, he came up to him first and snapped his 
pistol. Finding that it missed fire, he threw it at Hintza's head ; 
the second pistol also missed, and that followed the first. The 
Colonel now struck him with the fist, but all to no purpose. He 
then seized him by the "kaross" at the back of the neck, and 
pulled him from his horse. Hintza, finding himself on the 
ground, and closely pursued, drew an assegai and threw it at the 
Colonel. While this was going on I gained ground upon him, 
sprang from my horse, and called out to him to stop or I would 
shoot him. He looked round, but took no further notice of it, 
and I fired and struck him in the left leg, just under the calf and 
close to the bones. He fell upon his hands, got up again and 
went down the hill. George called again to him to stay, but to 
no purpose. Then the Colonel ordered me to fire again. I did 
so, and the ball passed through his body on the right side, just 
under the ribs. He fell and rolled over, but was soon on his legs 
again, and kept on the same way down the hill, and into the bush. 
Several of our party in chase came up to the edge of the bush. I 
jumped down the bank and ran into the bush. A rustling of asse- 
gais brought me to the spot where Hintza lay, concealed under 
a large stone in the river, and while in the act of lifting his 


assegai I shot him through the top of his head, which laid him 
dead on the spot. Three hurras were given and answered 
from the toj) of the hill by the Colonel and troops. And after 
taking his assegais and ornaments, I left him to his fate, and 
returned to the top of the hill. Colonel Smith claimed the 
as^gais, and presented me with Hintza's horse — a very fine 
animal it was. (Note. — This was a horse given to Hintza by 
Commandant Van Wyk, then living where Tarkastad is now, on 
the Elands Eiver, H.S.) One of the two men of Hintza's, who 
attempted to escape, got shot by the Hottentots about a mile from 
the river where Hintza was shot. The pistols the Colonel threw 
at Hintza and the assegai that Hintza threw at the Colonel being 
found, the column moved forward towards the Bashee River, still 
keeping on the cattle spoors. Kafirs were to be seen in all 
directions on the tops of the hills, and a solitary beast here 
and there that had been left behind. Keeping on a good pace 
until nearly sunset we came in sight of the Bashee, and from 
the top of the hills numerous herds of cattle could be seen, 
both in the valley below and on the opposite side. Making 
haste down the hill, we managed to secure the greater part of 
those in the valley and kloofs near the river, but night coming 
on prevented us from capturing those on the opposite hills. 
About two hours after dark, all the parties out in search of 
cattle having returned, we were formed up in proper order and 
a strong guard placed over the cattle, and all remained quiet 
during the night. 

Wednesday, iWi May. — This morning all were on the 
alert ; Captain Bailie was sent off with a party of men off to the 
right towards the sea coast, and Colonel Smith with his party 
and guides ascended the hill up to the left, and keeping on the 
fresh spoors of cattle until we reached the Coogha, where we 
off-saddled. Not a single herd of cattle could be seen in any 
direction, but spies were seen on the heights all around us. 
Here Colonel Smith determined upon turning back, as he could 
not otherwise reach the Governor's Camp on the Umpotchanie 
in the short time allowed him, viz. seven days. We reached our 
bivouac about sundown on Bashee River. Our rear shot one 
Kafir and wounded two others. As soon as we reached our camp 
we heard of the death of Major White and a corporal of the 
Cape Corps Hottentots. 


It appears that soon after sunrise Major White with a corporal 
felt very anxious to go up to the top of a hill to the left of our 
camp, that he might look round and sketch the country, and thereby 
add to his useful work. Mr. Andrews (Colonel Smith's secretary) 
tried to dissuade him from it, as there were Kafirs all round them, 
and that it was no use. So with a small party of four men Major 
White left the camp and ascended the kop about a mile off, little 
thinking that he would never return. The four men he took 
with him he placed as sentries at a distance from him, and, in 
fact, so far apart that they could not see one another. When 
he had finished, and was in the act of packing up his instruments, 
the Kafirs, who had been watching him, managed to creep up 
a kloof that reached nearly to the spot where he stood, and before 
he was aware of it an assegai was in his back. His double- 
barrelled gun, that lay close beside him, was soon discharged 
at the savages, but with what effect no one knows. The Hottentots 
who were placed as sentries soon left their post, and, instead 
of rushing to his assistance, made off to the camp with all speed. 
The corporal, who it appears was placed nearest, was interrupted 
in his retreat and killed. The other three reached the camp, and 
with all haste a party was despatched to look after the bodies. 
They were found near the place where they had stood, but every- 
thing belonging to them had been carried away, the major's gun 
and valuable papers, etc. The bodies were brought to camp and 
interred as decently as our circumstances would allow and admit. 
Thus fell Major White by the hands of savages, and his loss will 
be felt by all who knew him, and particularly by the frontier 
colonists, as well as by Colonel Smith, who was much attached to 
the major. 

Friday, loth May. — Soon after sunrise all were in marching 
order,, and kept up a brisk march until after dark, when we 
encamped for the night. So it went on till we recrossed the Great 
Kei Eiver, and joined the Governor's camp. Then from there on 
to where King Williamstown is at present, stayed there a few 
days, when twenty-one cannon shots were fired, and proclaimed 
British territory in the name of King William IV. Then the 
Corps of Guides were allowed to leave. 

After we four Southeys had lost our all (over 800 head of 
cattle, 40 or 50 horses, about 1000 sheep and goats, houses burnt 
down, with everything therein destroyed), we who had served on 


commando as guides from first to last, with our own horses and 
guns, not costing the Government one penny, we were sent away 
to find a home where and how we could. 

Hoj)ing I am not encroaching on your valuable time and 

I am, etc., 

George Southey. 


Abolition of Parliament proposed, 175 

Adamson, Dr., 86 

Adamson, Lawrence, 129 

Adderley, Sir Charles, 99, 167 

Afrilsanders, 233 

Agent-General, Cape, 181, 183, 186, 211 

Agricultural Society, Cape, 183 

Alabama, Confederate ship, 142 

Albania, 246 

Albania, South, 226 

Albany Division, 84, 246 

Alexandersfonteiii, 250 

Alfred, Prince, 120, 122, 125, 137, 141, 195, 

Algoa Bay, 10, 185,190 
Aliwal, North, 147 
Alternate parliaments, 158 
Amafetcani tribe, 3 
Amatola inountaiDS, 96 
American missionaries, 30 
Amnesty proclamation, D.F., 288 
Anderson, Mr., missionary, 243 
Anson, Mr., 74 
Anta's tribe, 115 

Anti-convict agitation, 73, 77, 83, 85 
Arckoll, Mr.,M.L.C., 110 
Armed mounted police. 111, 197 
Arnot, David, and letters, 174, 192, 195, 198, 

210, 216, 220, 222, 224, 225, 256, 3G0 
Assembly, House of, 152, 178, 208, 231 
Atherstone, Dr. \V. G., and letter, 173 
Austin, Henry, 14, 15 
Australia, 1 56 
Ayliff, Kev. John, 71 
Ayliff, William, 71 
Ayhvard, Alfred, 264, 274, 277, 281, 288 

Bacas, tribe of, 33 

Bailey, T. B. (" The Oaks," Caledon), letters 

from, 85, 92, 102 
Bain, A. G., 134 
Baird, Sir liavid. Governor, 5 
Barker, F., Diamond Fields, 174 
Barkly, 255 
Barkly, Sir Henry, Governor, 187, 190, 195, 

199, 211, 2i6, 221, 226, 229, 236, 239, 248, 

257, 261, 265, 267, 269, 272, 275, 279, 285, 

289, 299, 303 
Barolong, tribe of, 221, 226 
Barrington, H., Kuysna, letter to, 181 
Barrow, Sir John, and letters from, 140, 150, 

Barry, 123 
Barry, John, and C. J. aud H., 128, 130, 

Bashee lliver, 151 

Bastards or Griquas, 34, 66, 192, 214, 224 

Basutoland, territory of, 160, 183, 297 

Basutos tribe, 165, 309 

Batlapins, tribe of, 221, 226, 262, 267, 303 

Bean, Mr., 265, 302 

Beanfort-JIolteno land case, 145 

Bechuana tribe, 66, 246, 262 

Beersheba, natives of, 72 

Bell, Charles, Sm-veyor-General, 143 

Bell, Judge, 143 

Bester, Paul, 50, 56, 71 

Bezuidenbout, 51 

Biddulph, Commissioner (Sovereignty), 55, 

60, 69 
Bisset, General, letter from, 63 
Blaine, D. P., 89 
Blaine, G., 82 
Blink Klip, 305 

Bloem, Field Cornet, Korannas, 42, 16 
Bloemfontein, 40, 42, 75, 243, 309 
Bloemspruit, 52 
Boer plot with Natives, 257 
Boers, emigrant, 30, 33, 41 
Booma Pass, 95 
Boomplaats, battle of, 38, 243 
Botha (Sovereignty), 51 
Bouchier, Mr., 74 
Boundary claims, Basutos, 37 
Bourke, Governor, 5 
Bower, Mr., 74 

Bowker, Commandant, 188, 198, 211, 251 
Bradshaw, Sergeant, 283 
Brand, Advocate C. J., 89, 100, 109 
Brand, President, 0.1 F. State, 174, 191, 213, 

217, 221, 224, 248 
Breda, Mr., Treasury, 150 
British Kaffraria, 117, 120, 135, 147, 151, 153, 

liritish settlers of 1820.. 1, 2, 4, 23, 24 
Brits, Piet, 51 

Brownlee, Mr., magistrate, 117 
Bruce, Mr., missionary, 22 
Buckingham, Duke of, 164 
Buku, chief, 15, IT, 117 
BuUer, Colonel, Boomplaats, 39 
Bultfontein, 242, 250 
Burgers, Cobus, 45 
Burgers, President, 262, 268 
Burgher force. 111 
Bushmen. 3(J7 
liutler, Michael, 105 
Buyskes, P. L., 194, 301 

C.\LEDOK, Lord, Governor, 5 
Caledon Pviver, 59 
Calviuia, 170 

2 F 



Campbell, Jiihii, U. i:i IMamoud Fields, 172, 

194, 197, '217, 2 20, 222 
Canada, 142 
Cape Ar<)us, 291 
Cape Co'loiiy Constitution, 109. 110, 129, 175, 

, financPS, 126, 130, 175, 195, 228 

Parliamentary Sessions — i86i, 

133 ; 1862, 152 ; 1863, 152 ; 1864, 152 ; 

1865, 153; 1866, 156 ; 1868, 160 ; 1870, 179 ; 

1877, 295 ; 1878, 294, 299 

Parliament, 279, 285 

, revenue and expenditure of, 126, 

175, 177, 228 
Cape Mounted Rifles, 9, 13, 38, 47, 95 
Cape Town, 277 

, castle of, 112 

harbour works, 211 

and Wellington railway, 153,177, 


■ municipal meeting, 99 

Volunteer Artillery, 308 

Cardwell, Mr., Secretary of State, 150, 351 

Carnarvon, Lord, 136, 164, 167, 232, 261, 263, 
269, 273, 275, 285, 289, 293, 302, 308 

Carr, Captain Jolin, 283 

Casalis, Rev. Mr., missionary, 59 

Cathcart, Sir Geo., Governor, 100, 102, 111, 

Cattle Removal Bill (King's), 210 

Cauvin, Mr., auctioneer, 110 

Cawood, Hon. tjam, 182, 290, 292 

Cawood, \V., 15 

Cawood's Hope Diamond Fields, 221 

farms, Alb.mia, 226 

Cetewayo, Chief, 165, 294, 3fi9 

Cbabaud, Gustav, M.L.A., 149 

Chalmers, W. B., magistrate, 172 

Christian, H. B., Port Eliz;ibeth, 160 

Christian, Jlr., Legislative Council, 110 

Citizens' privileges, 41 

Civil Service Club, 311 

Clerk, Sir George, 309 

Cloete, Colonel, Natal, 34, 35, 65, 74 

Lloete, Judge, Speech in Legislative Coun- 
cil, 4 

Clough, Mr., M.L.A. , 290 

Coates, Bower, his motto, 88 

Cock, Hon. Wm., ]\I.L.C., 73, 79, 88, 92, 109 

Cole, E. M., Auditor-General, 111, 123 

Cole, Sir Lowry, Governor, 7 

Coleman, AV. H., 214 

Colenso, Dr., 308 

Colesberg, 39, 277 

CoUard, J. IL, 123 

Collett's farm, desperate attack on, 16 

Colonial allowance for troops, 140 

('■mimercial Advertii:er, 28 

Commissariat Department, 93 

Commissioners, Diamond Fields, 233 

Committee of Public Safety, Ivimberlcy, 265, 

of Safety, Grahamstown, 12 

Commons, House of, Committee, 22 

Compensation claims for losses in war, 81, 83 

Constitution of the Cape Colony, 109, 110, 
129, 175, 229 

Convict question, Anti-, 73, 77, 83, 85 

Coode, Sir John, 211 

Comely, W., 15 

Corner, W. A., 215 

Corps of Guides, 13, 15, 17, 19 

Coryndon, Mr., 226, aoo 

Cowell, Sir John , ill, 'Md 

Cowic, Wm. D. F., 282, 284 

Cox, Fort, and Sir H. Smith's gallop from, 

Cradock, Sir John, Governor, 4 
Grossman, Colonel, 301 
Crouch, John, trader, 115 
Culmstock, Southey's birthplace, 2 
Cunyngbame, General, 285 
Currey, John Blades, 251, 257, 307, 311 
Currie, Sir 'Walter, Commandant, 114, 116, 

168, 1S8 

, , letters from, 109, 115, 138, 

152, 171 
Customs dues, 156 

Dakiels Kuii., 304 
D'Arcy, Mr. R. M., 283, 302 
Darling, Lieut. -Governor, 98, 111, 140 

, — , memo, from, 99 

David's Graf, 191, 240 

Davidson, J. C, Treasurer-General, 130 

Davi's farm, 72 

Dean Williams, 292 

De Beers, 222, 242 

Debe flats, 95 

De Klerck, 306 

Denison, Governor, 82 

Denyssen, Judge, 113 

Derby, Lord, 111 

De Roubaix, P. E., M.L.C., 140, 227 

De Smidt, Abraham, 124, 130 

De Smidt, Henry, 311 

De Wet, M.L.C., 130 

Diamond discoveries and diamond fields, 121, 

167, 172, 173, 178, 189, 192, 194, 210, 211, 

219, 237, 252, 258, 267 
Diamond Fuid newspaper, 262, 274 
Diamond Fields, arrival of troops, 288 

, claim rents, 254 

Commissioners, 238 

— , Committee of Public Safety, 273 

■ , gambling, 252 

, licence money, 254 

■ , Recorder's Court, 238, 270 

, Registrar, 238 

, Special Court, 240 

, 'I'riumvirate, 238 

, troops sent up, 277 

Diamond stealing, 253 

Diggers' Council, Diamond Fields, and Com- 
mittees and Association, 195, 237, 239, 241, 

253, 255, 277, 282, 288 
Dingaan, Zulu chief, 31, 32 

, his massacre of Dutchmen, 31 

Divisional Councils, 120, 145, 159, 178 

Doms, Native agent, 197 

] tonkin. Sir R., Governor, 7, 12, 14 

Donovan, Mr., 57 

Doorstlbntein, 250 

Douglas, General Sir Percy, Lieutenant- 

General, 151, 24G 
Douglas land claims, 224, 226 

village, 246 

Dreyer's Sovereignty, 52 

Driefontcin, 305 

Drivers' llill, 9 

Dry diggings, 248 

Duchess of Kent, 131 

Dumbleton, Mr. (escape of R. Southey from 

drowning), 127 
Dunell, Ebden & Co., Port Elizabeth, 214 
D'lTrban, Sir Ben,iamin, Governor, and letters, 

8, 12, 14, 18, 21, 28, K2, 83, 290 
Dutch farmers, cumplaiuts, 41 



Dutch opinion, 136 
Dutoits Pan, 222, 248, 250 
Dyke, Mr., missionary, 57 

Eastern- Districts Court, GrahamstowD, 153, 

East London (Buffalo Mouth), 29 

Ebden, J. B., letter from, 88 

Education Bill, 155 

Electric telegraphs, 119, 153 

Elliott, Mr. C. B., 123 

Emancipation of slaves, 41 

Emigrant Boers, 30, 33, 34, 41, 243 

Emigration to New Zealand, etc., 156 

Emmanuel, London jeweller, 172 

England, Colonel, 13 

Eno's Icraal, 13 

Equalization of Eastern and Western mem- 
bers, 149 

Erskine, Colonel (Sec, Natal), and Letters to, 
172, 185, 196 

Eskdale (Arnot), 224, 225 

Eustace, Mr., M.L.A., 183, 311 

Evans, D., 14 

Executive Council, Cape, on Responsible 
Government, 200 

Executive Council, Kimberley, 270 

Exeter Hall party, 3 1 

Fadax.\, chief, 115 

Fairbairn, John, 85, 86, 89, 92. 109, 110, 140 

Faro gambling at Diamond Fields, 252 

Faure, Mr., Dutch Church, 50 

Federation in South Africa, 199, 209, 231, 
232, 261, 263, 276, 285, 293, 302, 307 

Field cornets, duties of, 182 

Field, Mr., Collector of Customs, 91 

Fichat, Mr., magistrate, 130 

Fingoes, tribe of, 72, 119, 122, 161, 184, 189, 
293, 309 

Fisher, Charles, 15 

Fish River and Keiskamma territory, 7, 9G 

Fitchat, David A., 14 

Fitzroy, Governor, 82 

Fleming, Hon. Wni., Port Elizabeth, 183, 

Fort Beaufort, 71 

Fort Brown, 96 

Fort Cox, 95 

Fort Hare, 96 

Fort Willshire, 9 

Fortescue, Mr., 130 

Fourteen Streams, 275 

Fowler, R. N., M.P., Motion for Federa- 
tion, 231 

Franklin, Mr., Grahamstown, 82 

Franklin, Sir John, 77 

Fraser, Dr., Bloemfontein, letters of, 42, 75 

Fraserburg, 170 

Freemasonry, 308 

French missionaries, Basutoland, 93, 167, 188 

Frere, Sir Bartle, and letters, 293, 297, 307, 

Frontier armed and mounted police, 233, 

Froude, Mr., 261 

, , and his Federation Mission, 293, 


Froude's "Short Studies" — Southey's cha- 
racter, 313 

Gaika, Chief, 6 
Galatea, H.M.S., 159 
Galeka tribe, 116 

Gambling at Diamond Fields, 252 

Gamloos Rivor, 11 

Gangelizwe, chief, 189, 195 

Gardiner, Captain, Natal, 31 

Garrard & Co., 165 

Garvock, Captain, A.D.C., 65 

Gasibone, Chief, 66, 305 

General Election, 179 

General Screw Steam Shipping Company, 

George, 10 

German intrigue, 258 

German Legion Settlement, 111, 114, 117, 122 
Giddy, Wm. Hoskins, 251-280, 302 
GilfiUan, Captain, 278 
Glen Grey, 157 
Godlonton, Robert, letters from, 25, 71, 73, 

79, SO, 86, 89, 92-109, 173, 291 
Graaffreinet, 27 
Graham, Dr., 256 
Grahamstown, 10, 11, 47, 92, 142, 210, 234, 


Committee of Safety, 12 

Election, 291 

, railway to Kowie, 291 

Journal, 17, 25, 54, 79, 81, 88, 92, 206, 


Parliament Session, 152 

Grant, Sir J., 167 

Granville, Lord, 168, 180 

Great Eastern newspaper, 153 

Greef, Mr., 301 

Green, Henry, 256 

Gregory, emissary of London jeweller, 172 

Grey, Lord, 51 

Grey, Sir G., Governor, 111, 122, 125, 129, 

134, 137, 290, 309 

, letters from, 112, 116, 127 

, policy of. 111 

Griffith, Wm. D., Attorney -General, 156, 

171, 179, 1»8, 226, 251, 273, 310 
Grimmer, Dr., D.F., 283 
, Minute on Responsible Government, 

Oriqualand East, 246, 248, 304 
Griqualand West, 199, 224, 228, 237, 240, 

266, 273, 275, 279, 295, 299, 303 
Griquas or Bastards, 34, 66, 192, 214, 224, 

243. 266, 300, 305 
Gnquatown, 243, 256, 267, 303, 305, 307 

Halkett, Advocate, 274, 30O 

Hall. Mrs., 74 

Halse, F. L., letters from, 61 

Halse, AV. J. (Orange Free State), letter 

from, 112 
Harding, Captain, 39 
Harries, W. M., M.L.A., 149 
Harvey, Mr., 191 

Hawkins, Mr., Legislative Council, 110 
Hay, 255 

Hay, Lieut. -Governor, 186, 255 
Hebron, 248 

Hennersleij Castle, immigrant ship, 1 
Hermanns and Hottentots of Kat River, 96 
Herslof Hill station, 72 
Heugh and F!eming, employers of Southey 2 
Hiddingh, Dr., M.L.C., 226 
Hintza, great chief, 12, 13, 16 

, death of, 17 

Hintza, tribe of, 71 

Hodges, Sir Wm., Judgi^, 162 

Hohne, J. A., Colonel (see Orange Free 

State), 215, 222 




Holdlcli, CapUiln, letter from, 05 

IIolBteail, Tbomae, 31 

lloole, Abel, 15 

Hope, Mr., Auditor-General, 100, 102, 101, 

Hopetown, 170 
Home, Henry, 311 
Hottentots, 41, 96 
House of Oonimons, 24:1 
House of Commons Committee, 22 
Houston, Mr., 267 
Human, Mr., M.L.A., 295 
Hutton, Henry, 191 

iMi'KiiiAL interests, 165 

Imperial troops, 180, 234 

Impey, Mr. Geo., editor Port Elizabeth 

Herald, 141 
Inglis, Uev. Mr., 66 
Indiana steamer, 102 
Indwe, 157 

Innes, James Rose, C.C. and R.M., 210 
Inspector of Police, D.F., 282 

Jackal's Vlei, 304 

Jacobs, Simeon, Attorney-General, 22S 

Jantje Cliief, 220 

Jervis, George, 24 

Johannesburg village, 95 

Jonas Piet, 305 

Joubert Commission, 35 

Judge, Arthur, 1 23 

Judicial bench. 111 

KAFFitARiA, British, 117, 120, 135, 147, 151, 

153, 161, 309 
Kafir war: 1828, 3; 1834, 9; 1850, 93, 95 ; 

1877, 293, 307 
Kafirs, 247 

Kap River residence, 3 
Kat River Hottentots, 96 
Keate, Lieut.-Governor, 166, 217, 221 

, his award, 221 

Kei and Natal, country between, 133 

Kenhardt, 171 

Kennelly, D. H., M.L.C., 173 

Kimberley, 255, 259, 266, 273, 277, 279, 302 

Kimberley Land Board, 288 

Kimberley, Lord, 198, 231, 258, 261, 263 

King, Richard, ride from Natal, 10 

King Williamstown, 15, 95 

Klerck, Mr., 140 

Klip Drift Magistracy, 172 

Klip River Division, 73 

Knysna Forest, 169, 182 

Kok, Adam, 191, 2U, 243, 309 

Kok, Cornelius, 190, 214, 300 

Kok, John, 51 

Kokemoer. Field-Cornet, 46 

Koodoos, Jan (Koranna), 169 

Koonap faim, Collett's, attack on, 16 

Korannas tribe, 1G8, 169, 307 

Kowie harbour, 127, 182, 290 

Kramer, Mr., Missionary, 243 

Kreli, Chief, 14, 17, 94, 115, 117, 138, 151, 162 

184, 189. 195, 293 
Krugcr, Paul, 67, 121, 258 
Krynauw, J. D., 313 
Krynauvv, Miss Susan, 313 

Land Board. Kimberley, 268 
Land Commission, Sovereignty, 3V 
Land Court, Kimberley, 271 
Land question, Griqualand, 247 
Lands' Beacon Hill, 155 

I;anihan, Daniel, 15 

Lanyon, Colonel, 302, 304, 307 

Lawrence, Sir Henry, 289 

Layard, Mr., Curator S. A. Museum, 123 

Leach, B., 15 

Legislative Council, Cape Colony, 89, 92, 

109, 227, 231 
Legislative Council, Kimberley, 255, 263, 

266, 275, 283 
Le Sueur, Postmaster-General, 164 
Ijicense money, Diamond Fields, 254 
Ling, William, 256, 262, 274, 277, 285 
Livingstone, Dr., 66, 143 
Loch, Sir H. ]$., Governor, 311 
Loedorf, Mr. , missionary, 219 
Lombard, Sovereignty, 51 
London Missionary Society, 243 
Long versus Bishop of Cape Town, 163 
Longmore, Major, 105 
Lourie, A., 14 
Lucias, St., bav, 32 
Lytton, Sir K.B., 136 

Maasdoki', Mr.,M.L.A., 297, 299 

Macatees tribe, 66 

MacDonnell, Captain, letters of, 48, C5 

Mackenzie, Bishop, 143 

Mackenzie, Miss, 143 

Mackinnon, Captain, 65 

Maclean, Colonel, 13, 118 

Macomo, chief, 12 

Magersfontein, 248 

Mahura, chief, 197 

Maitland. Sir Peregrine, Governor, 35 

Majuba, 288 

Mankoraone, chief, 217, 219, 220, 226, 305 

Manuel, C. J., 311 

Marriage of Mr. Southey to Isabella Shaw, 3 

Mauch, Carl, discoverer goldfields, 121 

Meeting, public settlers, Grahamstown, 24 

Merriman, John X., M.L.A., 199, 227, 294, 

297 299 
Merriman, T. R., 283, 302 
Meurant, L. IL, and letters, 25, 62 
Meynell, Mrs., 65 
Michell, Surveyor-General, IS 
Mills, Captain, 114 
Mining Board, Kimberley, 264 
Mining camps, security, 281 

Mining Ordinance, 255, 263 

Moffat, Robert P., and letters, 45, 60, 66 

Molitsani, chief, 42, 94 

Molteno, J. C, M.L.A., and Premier, 119, 
132, 143, 146, 154, 159, 171, 175, 179, 185, 
208, 210, 227, 229, 295, 310 

Montagu, Colonel, 77 

Montagu, John, Colonial Secretary, Cape, 
and letters, 76, 87, 92, 98, 100, 110 

Montagu, John E., 101 

Montsaio, chiei", 216 

Moodie, Mr., M.L.C., 110 

Moroko, chief, 43, 75, 94 

Morosi, chief, 309 

Moshesh, chief, 34, 43, 49, 55, 57, 75, 94, 
120, 147, 149,166, 193, 309 

Mosterds Hoek Pass, 56 

Murray, Captain, 39 

Murray, Dr., 18 

Murray, R. W. (Great Eastern), 153, 164, 225 

Mutual Insurance Company, 88 

Mutual Protection Company, 164 

Namaqdaland, 170, 184, 243 
Napier, Sir George, Governor, 32, 33, 74 



Natal, 32, 34, 50, 73, 1G5, 188 

Natal and Kei rivei", country between, 133, 

Native labourers for Diamond Fields, 258 

Native ojunion, 136, 195, 234, 239 

Native policy, 157, 184, 228, 233, 290, 299 

Kehemiah, cliief, 58 

Nelson, R. W., 130, 134, 292 

Neptune, H.M.S. (convict;, 78 

Newcastle, Dukf of. Colonial Secretary, de- 
spatch from, reinstating Mr. SoutLey, 103 

Newman, Dean, 76 

New Rusti, 237, 239, 240, 242, 250, 255 

New Zealand, 131, 134, 156, 165 

NicoU, John, 14, 15 

Nomansland, 184, 245 

Nortkain, steamer, quick voyage of, 223 

Norton, Edward, 24 

Nowth, Benjamin, 14 

Okaxge Fuee State, transactions in, 113, 

121, 135, 160, 165, 191, 192, 214, 221, 223, 

237, 243, 259, 266, 275 
Orange River, 32 
Order of St. Michael and George conferred, 

O'Reilly, J., Magistrate Sovereignty, letters, 

44, 50, 63, 217, 221 
Orpen, F., Surveyor-General, Griqualand 

West, 268 
Orpen, H. M. H. (Customs), 178, 258, 311 
Owen, Mr., Hebron, 173 

Page, Norman, 14 

Painter, R. J., 129 

Panda, Zulu chief, 32 

Paper currency, 156 

Parker, President, Diamond Fields, 172, 218 

Parliament of the Cape Colony, 109, 119, 129, 

133, 166, 175 
, Sessions of, i86i, 133 ; 1862, 

152; 1863, 152; 1864, 152; 1865, 153; 

1866, 156; 1867, 158; 1868, 160; 1870, 

Paterson, John, IM.L.A., 295, 297 
Pearson, H. W., M.L.A., 179, 187 
Peddie District, 119 
Peddle, Lieut. -Colonel, 175 
Philip, Dr., missionary, 21, 34 
Phillipolis, 39 
Phillips, John, 14 
Pillans, Miss, 74 
Pipeklip, 171 
Piquetberg, 243 
Pitt, R., 25 
Platberg, 191, 249 
Pniel, missionaries of, 173, 214, 221 
Poffader (Koranna chief), 1C9 
Pokwane, 305 
Police, F. A.M., 238 
Pondo tribe, 3, 184 
Pondoland and Bomvanaland, expedition 

to, 2 
Population, Cape Colony, 201 
Port Alfred, 2110 
Port Elizabeth, 32, 47, 60, 85, 190, 210 

to Orange River Railway, 290 

Porter, Wm., Attorney-General, t:9, 92, 120, 

124, 131, 147, 179, 199, 232, 308 
Potchefstroom, foundation of, 31 
Potgieter, Commandant, 53, 56, 71 
Pottinger, Sir Henry, Governor, 30 
Powell, Mrs. C, 312 

Pretorius, Commandant, 36, 37, 42, 44, 121, 

147, 174, 217, 219 
Prince of Wales, 131, 310 
Prinsloo, Hcndrik, 45 
Privy Council Committee, 37 
Protest ol Pietermaritzburg Volksraad, 33 

Queen Victoria, 131 

Queya, Chief, 184 

C^uin, Mr., M.L.C., letter to, 189 

"Racoon," H.M.S. , 140 

Railway policy, 189 

Railway to Wellington, 153, 177 

Railways, damage from rains, 140 

Ramah, 249 

Rawsoii, W. Rawson, Colonial Secretary, and 

letters, 110, 116, 119, 122, 129, 139, 147, 

149, 153, 167 
Read, Mr., 22 

Recorder's Court, D.F., 238 
Registration of servants, D.F., 281 
Reid & Co., contractors, 153 
Reitz, .Advocate, 227 
Reitz, Mr., M.L.C., 89 
Reminiscences of voyage from Cape, 103 
Republics, Independent, 113, 121, 135, 160, 

165, 191, 214, 221, 223, 234, 237 
Responsible Government, 120, 151, 155, 179, 

185, 1«7, 199, 210, 226, 229, 232 
, minutes againist, by Ministers, 200, 

203, 205 
Retrenchment Committee, Cape, 157, 185 
Revenue and expenditure. Cape, 126, 130, 

195, 228 

Rex, Commissioner, 52 

Rhodes, Cecil, 241, 255 

Rietief, Pieter, 31 

Rivers, Hon. Harry, 91, 124, 139 

Rivers, Miss, 74 

Road Department, 147 

Roberts, S., 147 

Robertson, Rev. Dr., 50, 66 

Robinson, Parson, 219 

RoUaud, Rev. Mr., 59, 72 

Rooi, Piet, Koranna, 171 

Roper, H. B., 283, 304 

Rowles, Stephen, 111 

Royal Commission for Griqualand West, 273 

Rubidge, A. P., 79 

Saint Lucias Bay, 32 

Salter, Elliot, Private Secretary, 102 

Sandilli, Great Chief (Gaikas), 95, 117, 119, 

Scanlan, Charles, 15 

Schoeman, Stephanus, Acting President, 121 
Serretary to Lieut. -Governor, Grahama- 

town. 111 
Selwyn Castle, 84 
Separation of Eastern and Western Provinces, 

61,90, 92, 129, 151, 199, 210 
Sericulture in Cape, 183, 234 
Sessions of the Cape Parliament : i8(ii, 133 ; 

186", 152 ; 1863, 152 ; 1864, 152 ; 1865, 153 ; 

1866, 156 ; 1867, 15a ; 1868. 160 ; 1870, 179 
Settlers, British, 1, 2, 4, 23, 24 
Settlers for Transvaal proposed, 200 
Seven Weeks Poort, 100 
Shaw, Isabella, 2, 8 
Shaw, John, 312 
Shaw, William, 8, 15, 27 



Shcpstone, Tlioophilus, and letters from, 18, 

53, 73, 293, 308 

Shippard, Mr. (Sir Sydney), 232, 270, 272, 
280, 300 

Slater, George, M.L.A., 129 

Slaughter ol Dutchuun by Dingaan, 31 

Smit, W. J., 215 

Smith, Charles Abercrombie, 195, 199 

Smith, (Colonel Ilarrv and Sir Harry, Gover- 
nor, 6, 7, 29, 37, 80, 88, 91, 96, 181, 191, 193, 
201, 243 

, letters from, 46, 47, 49, 50, 51, 55. 

56, 60, 79, fl3, 107 

Smith, H. S. (nephew of Sir Harry Smith), 
letter, 74 

Smith, Lady, 11, 55 

Smuts (Aruot's son-in-law), 224 

Solomon, Saul, M.L.A., 119, 155, 179, 227, 229 

Somerset, East Convention, 129 

Somerset, F. ;\I. H. (D. Arnot), 174 

Somerset, General, war, 1850.. 97 

Somerset, Lord Charles, 6 

South African Republic, 31 

Southey, Colonel, lv8 

Southcy family, history of, 312 

-, members of, 312 

Southey, George (father of R. Southey), 1 ; 

Southey, Richard, birth, family, etc., 1, 2 ; 
Kafir war, flies from Kap River, 9 ; Head of 
the Corps of Guides, 13; loses all his pro- 
perty in the war of 1834.. 23; recognition 
of services in war, 1835.. 26; removes to 
Graaffreinet, 27 ; private secretary to Sir 
Harry Smith, 'i9 ; Special Commissioner to 
the Sovereignty, 36 ; appointed Civil Com- 
missioner and Resident Magistrate, Swel- 
lendam, 93 ; appointed Acting Secretary to 
Government, 98 ; suspension by Lieut. - 
Governor Darling, 102 ; reminiscences of a 
voyage to England, 103 ; reinstated by 
Duke of Newcastle, 103; letter from 
" Uncle Southey " of congratulation, 107 ; 
appointed Secretary to Lieut. -Governor, 
111 ; appointed Acting Colonial Secretary, 
120; appointed Treasurer-General, 139; 
appointed Colonial Secretary, Cape Colony, 
151 ; notes of speeches of and parliamen- 
tary work, 176, 192; arguments in favour 
of Waterboer's claims, 192 ; Ministerial 
Minute against Responsible Government, 
200 ; memorandum after Responsible 
Government carried, 227 ; refuses office 
under Responsible Government, 229 ; 
offered the appointment of Lieut.-Governor, 
Griqualand West, 229 ; Order of Companion 
of St. Michael and St. George conferred, 
235; pension of £1400 per annum granted, 
235 ; Lieut.-Governor of Griqualand West, 
236; end of period of ofBce as Lieut.- 
Governor, 289 ; contests Grahamstown for 
Assembly, 290 ; joins opposition to Molteuo 
Ministry, 295; retires from public life, 3ii8; 
receives title of K.C.M.G. from the Queen, 
309; family history, 312; his death and 
funeral, 311 ; letters from, 57, 116, 119, 143 
Southfield (Southey's residence), 236 
Southworth, ancestry of Southey family, 2 
Sovereignty, transactions in, 35, 37, 42, 48, 

55, 66, 75, 87, 193 
Speaker, House of Assembly, 208 
Special Commission, 269 
Special Law Court, Kimberley. 269 
Sprigg, John Gordon, 294, 297, 299, 311 
Standard and Modi, 258 

Stanley, John, story of, 192 
Stanley, Lord, 136 
Statistics — 

Population of Cape Culony, 201 

Revenue and Expenditure in Cape Colony , 
126, 130, 195 
Steenberg's property seizure, .SS 
Stigant, Mr., M.L.A., 183 
Slockenstrom, Advocate and Judge, 221, 225, 

290, 300, 304 
Stockenstrom, Lieut.-Governor, 28, 89, 92, 

109, 110 
Stokes, Sir H., 167 
.Stretch, C. L., 219 
Supreme Court, 147 
Sutherland, Mr., 85 
Swellendam, 93, 98, 227 
Sykonyella, Chief, 49 

Table Bay Breakwater, 119 
Tainton, Mr., 119 

Tambookie tribe, 72, 96, 117, 122, 157, 161, 184 
Tate Gold Fields, 169 
Taylor, Mr. D. F., 274 
Theunissen, Mr., 140 
Thomas, H., 14 
Thomas, J. T., 14 

Thompson, Advocate, M.L.A., 179, 251 
Thumpson, W. R.,24 
Tinley, C.C. and R.M., 185 
Todd, Mr. Spencer, 123 
Toole, W., 15 

Transkeian territory, 148, 160, 162, 189, 293 
Transvaal, British settlement proposed, 260 
Transvaal Republic, 237, 248, 257, 259, 278, 

Trollop, Mrs., Fort Beaufort, 16 
Trompetter's Drift, 9 
Truter, Mr., 85 
T'Slambie tribe, 71 

Tucker, Henry, D.F., 256, 262, 277, 281, 283, 

Tucker, Scott, 124, 126 
Tugeli River, 32 
Turners — Capetown, 74 
Tyaii's village, 13 

UlTENHAGE, 92, 149 

Umvulasi River, 32 
Unger, M., 192 

Vagrant law. Diamond Fields, 281 
Van der Byl, Mr. and ivirs., 142 
Van Druten, 306 
Van Rooy (Griqualand), 225, 301 
Van Vuuren, Field Cornet, 50 
Vasselot, Vicomte de, 186 
Venter, Commandant, 56, 60 
Vetberg boundary, 192, 216 
Vet River, 32 
Victoria, West, 170 
Vigilance Committee, 261, 273 
Vigors, Percy, 115, 124, 130 
Viljoen, Commandant, 121 
Volksblad newspaper, 224 
Volksraad, Orange Free State, 223 
Volksraad, Pietermaritzburg, 33 
Volunteer Artillery, Cape, 308 
Volunteer orders (Southey's), 183 
Volunteer principle, 33 
Von Schlickmann, Captain, 277, 283 
Vooruitzigt Estate, Diamond Fields, 121 , 
250, 251, 274 



Vowc, Mr., 56 

Voyage, Cape to Euglan J, by Kicliavd Suutlicy, 
1852., 103 

Walton- (fanner), 306 

Warden, Ihijor, Hritish Kesidcnt of tliu 

Sovereignty, 35, 3V, 42, 50, 51, 55, 7!, T5, 

191, 218, 243 
Warner, Tambookie agent, 150, 157, 183, 

185, 188, 195 
Warren, Sir Charles. 249, 273, 304 
Waterboer, chief, 172, 191, 192, 211, 213, 215, 

216, 218, 220, 222, 225, 243, 247, 267, 268, 

300, 304 
Watcrkloof, war of, 1850 . . 96 
Watermeyer, E. B., Judge, 132, 147 
Waters, Mr., Mission Station, 117 
Way, Dr., Secretary Separation League, 129 
West, Martin, Lient. -Governor of Natal, 73 
Whittlesea, 96 

Wicht, J. H., I\r.L.C., 109, 130 
Williams, Mr. W., 183 
AVinburg (Sovereignty), 37, 40, 44 

Witteljcrg, 305 

Witwater'a Kand, 257 

AV'oburn village, 95 

Wodehouse, Sir 1'. E. (Governor), 120, 131, 

139, 151, 152, 161, 162, 175, 178, 181, li6, 

189, 199 

, letters from, 145, 146, 149, 150, 151 

WoUaston, Mr., 125, 126 

Wood, Hon. George, 153, 173 

AVood, Mr.,,iunr., 291 

Wylde, Sir John, Chief Justice, 48, 87 

, letters from, 63 

Wynyard, General, Lieut. -Governor, 112, 117, 

122, 130, 133, 143, 146; letters from, 112, 

119, 122 

XosA tribe, 293 

Zambksi, counti-y south of, 258 
Zeekoc Vlei boat excursion, 127 
Ziervagel, J. R., letter from, 79, 17 
Zulus, 259, 282, 294, 308 

Zuurberg Pass, 219 


For Contents of, see page xiv. 





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